Certain old sciences, such as geography, constitute areas of special interest in this respect, since on the one hand there are diverse generations of disciplinary histories, connected with the most important theoretical issues and the contentious relations with other sciences; and on the other hand profound changes have recently taken place which have led to far-reaching transformations in historiography.
Within the frame of reference of the present simposium, it might be
of interest to present some of these developments and, in particular, to
offer a general overview of the origins and goals of the research program
in the history of geography which, in what is today the Department of Human
Geography of the University of Barcelona, has been in progress for almost
two decades. The goals and the evolution of this project have led to a
growing integration of our research with that which is being undertaken
by other historians of science, while at the same time providing a stimulus
for, and a new perspective on, the work on current issues in human geography
which is being carried out in the Department.
The histories of the disciplines and their functions
The history of science is full of great works that have marked a turning point in the development of a branch of knowledge, and in which the proposals for a new theoretical frame of reference or a new systematization of the known facts were preceded by an extensive historical introduction consisting in the evolution of the topic up to that moment. From the 18th Century on, with the growing specialization in science that gave rise to new disciplines, and with the acceleration of the changes in theories and scientific method, the number of works of this kind has grown considerably. Particularly in the 19th Century, there were many scientists who were conscious of the profoundly innovative character of their work, and who did not hesitate to draw self-justifying historical pictures which promoted appreciation of the significance of their own contributions. Cuvier, Humboldt, Ritter, Lyell, Darwin, Comte, and many others who made decisive contributions, were not only aware of being genuine creators and the force behind new scientific developments, they also took active part in contemporary controversies and felt the need, to a greater or lesser extent, to convince the general public of the innovative character of their work. This led them to write, or rewrite, the history of the discipline, to reveal the obstacles that had been put in the way of the development of that science, whose final manifestation was now assured - and to point out those forerunners who had prepared the way.
The case of Lyell is particularly significant. In the long historical introduction to his Principles of Geology (1830) (1) , Lyell created the myths which allowed him to set himself in a privileged position in the Pantheon of Geology. He did this both by claiming to be the true creator of the basic principles of that science, and also by pointing out the barriers which had hitherto impeded its development: religion, philosophical speculation, and the anthropomorphic world view (2) . In spite of these obstacles, the way towards a positive and uniformitarian geology had in fact been discovered gradually, but in talking about this Lyell hands out praise, blame (and silence) in a way that exaggerates the originality of his own contribution. His introduction presents the history of geology as an oversimplified dichotomy between biblical catastrophism and uniformitarianism with its classical roots. Moreover, and not surprisingly given the epoch, he offers a selective, partial vision of the past, decontextualising it from its social and intellectual climate. His conception of history and geology are different: "while Lyell's history of the earth is uniformitarian, his history of geology is catastrophist: a succession of Gargantuan figures, great for their contributions or baneful influence, paraded before the reader without law or cause" (3) . It is a catastrophist history in which Lyell's final contribution achieves its true significance as an authentic, definitive revolution.
The example of Lyell, like that of other great authors, lays bare the distortions and errors that can be found in the history of science when one accepts the ideas of one justifications of scientist concerning the evolution of the subject. Biassed ideas that distort the true evolution and which undoubtedly serve as excuses and self-justifications: their own work and their personal efforts, just as of the science which is their field -in this case geology- presented as a branch of knowledge which finally achieves a truly scientific stature after a prehistory of approximations and errors.
An appreciation of the distortions that are found in the historical conceptions of great scientists, and of the personal and corporate factors that can affect these, allows us also to question the validity of the way that the members of a scientific community collectively present their discipline. We might well suspect that, as in the case of the histories of individuals, these histories of communities will have, due to conscious or unconscious bias, distortions and slants, whose precise content and purpose we would do well to reveal.
In recent years a great deal of attention has been paid to the histories of disciplines within the field of the history of science. What has undoubtedly contributed to this is the incorporation and diffusion of relativist focuses in the study of the disciplines. The traditional view considered the sciences as predetermined archetypes, which the progressive unfolding of reason alone allowed us to see in their true form by stripping them of the mixing and confusion with other branches of knowledge which existed in the pre-scientific phase. In contrast, we recognize that the character of the scientific disciplines is determined by, and contingent on, history; they take shape in changing social and intellectual contexts, and have boundaries that are not predetermined at all but depend both on the conditions of their constitution and also on the developing relationship with other disciplines that are also contingent on history.
The same histories of the disciplines play an important role in the constant structuring and restructuring of the areas of knowledge, offering scientists an image of themselves, of the community to which they belong, and of the purpose of their work. The history of the discipline provides us with a means of making and spreading the myths and the ideologies that give cohesion to the scientific community: who their forerunners and outstanding figures are, the dignity of their science as genuine, the goals and social relevance of their work, the relations of cooperation and conflict with other disciplines and subdisciplines.
If every discipline has its own history, at times in contradiction with its neighbors or overlapping with them, it is also true that within one single discipline the history is not always the same. The theoretical changes that take place, in particular the revolutionary changes, i.e. those that lead to the diffusion and imposition of what Kuhn would call a new paradigm, force the continual rewriting of history, both so as to justify and support of the change and also to prevent and defend the status quo, but in any case, to refer to the past in order to legitimize present-day views.
There are, therefore, histories of the disciplines aimed at different audiences: some at those outside the community, which normally means at other scientific communities that are in competition. In these cases, one attempts to justify the identity, the validity and, on occasions, the scientific nature of the discipline, all of which is essential to achieve recognition within an academic structure competing for limited resources. More frequently, histories are aimed within the discipline itself, either to socialize the neophytes, by indoctrinating them, through the historical presentation of the past, in the principles and methods of the discipline; or else to defend the viewpoints of scientists in discussions with colleagues or in disagreements over the theory and methods of the discipline (4) .
Through the history of the discipline one can observe the position that a scientist adopts in controversies and in the changes that affect his science, both in what he cites and the judgments he makes concerning events and people in the past, and also in what he omits or glosses over, and, obviously, in the material he chooses to include. The topic of parents or forerunners is of great interest: they are the ones who open the way towards the present, anticipating or preparing current developments; through their prestige, they also lend validity, in the initial stages, to the proposals which later win through.
It is thus that the history of a discipline serves, as an author has written in reference to the development of psychology in Germany: "to institute a scientific tradition, to line up the ancestors in order to give prestige to the field and to fall into line with the established sciences, or to conceive oneself within a stream on scientific progress" (5) .
What is clear from all of this is the enormous interest to be found
in the study of the different histories of disciplines within the same
scientific, and the comparison between those that have been carried out
in separate but related disciplines, those which sometimes draw on a common
past and which have goals of study that are very close or even overlap.
In a similar way, there is a great interest to establish if there are histories,
produced either from within or outside, where the preoccupation with justification
and legitimacy is absent.
The histories of geography
From the Renaissance onwards, the geographical works of antiquity have served both as a scientific model and also as a corpus of data which could be used for modern purposes. Estrabón or Pomponio Mela furnished chorographic models that were followed and esteemed time and again from the 16th to the 18th centuries; moreover, the information which these authors -as well as other authors of antiquity and of the Middle Ages- provided, and also itineraires and accounts of journeys, were also useful, after due criticism and authentification, in constructing the map and developing the description of the earth's surface, more particularly to the benefit of historical geography. All of this generated great interest in the old texts, in the careful editing of them -which involved the collaboration of geographers, historians and philologists- and in the study of them, as in the case of other sciences. In spite of the advances made since the Renaissance, a grasp of historical knowledge continued, until the 18th century, to be an extremely important prop in the development of modern geography. We have dealt elsewhere with the usefulness of the ancient sources and of the works of the 16th and 17th centuries in the solution of geographical problems of the 18th, and there is no need to reiterate this. We need only remind ourselves here of the interest of a D'Anville, a Homann or a Tomás Lopez in the information of ancient geographers for the construction of their maps, or how closely Buache, Torrubia and others studied the voyages of discovery in the 16th and 17th centuries in order to attempt a solution of the geographical enigmas related to continents that were still little known (6) .
If all this is granted, it is, however, also true that from the 16th century onwards, with the great discoveries, there arose an increasing awareness of the insufficiencies and the limits of the works of the classical geographers. These works began to be supplemented and superseded by new observations from all parts of the planet. There is thus a parallel growing process of obsolescence of the ancient texts, and their role changed so that they were invoked as classical models to be imitated, both because of the diversity of the integrated data and the systematization as precedents that lend value and prestige to science.
In the introductions to geographical works, in discussing the value and dignity of the science, the forerunners and ancient authors were carefully given a distinguished position, which meant that one often finds, in the histories of geography, celebrities like Moses or Homer, thus lending to the science the most illustrious ancestors.
It could be argued, therefore, that in a way the history of geography appeared with the purposes of providing dignity and legitimacy. It is an attitude which, if we look further back, we find in those same classical geographers. This may be seen, for example, in Estrabón's Geography, where in Book 1, after claiming that it is a "proper (study), no less than any other, for a philosopher", he accepts Hipparchus' thesis that its founder was Homer, and he delves into the history of geography in order to show "those who followed him were also illustrious", all of them philosophers (i.e. scientists), viz.: Anaximander, Hecataeus, Democritus, Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, Polibius and Posidinius, among many other names.
In general, up to the 19th century, the history of geography stood both as a history of the advances in our knowledge of the earth, that is to say as a history of geographical studies and explorations, and also as a history of maps (7) . While it was, just like other histories at that time, above all a history of progresses - a "historical picture of the progress of geography", in the words of Malte-Brun (8) - from the second half of the 18th century, due to the impact of Buffon's description of the earth, it could become an epocus of geography.
The history of geography was also related to historical geography, that is to the reconstruction of the geographies of the past, particularly -from a European viewpoint- the Greek, Roman and Jewish past. As a history of journeys, there was also in connection with the discovery of possible prior claims which would assure the juridical legitimacy of political possession of those territories.
At the same time, in a geography that was essentially a description of countries and regions, the history of the journeys and discoveries could continue to play its part, as is shown in the use to which it was put by two great figures at the beginning of the 19th century, Humboldt and Ritter. Thus, with reference to the so-called "comparative method", which he took over from anatomy and applied widely in writing his Erdkunde, Hanno Beck, a great specialist in his field, could write: "what Ritter understands by the comparative method is, in the first place, no more than the compilation of historical sources, ordered chronologically, above all the accounts of journeys" (9). It is thus not surprising that these accounts, which reflected the widening geographical horizon, continued to form the essential part of the histories of geography down to the beginnings of the 20th century; histories which some authors now considered part of the history of science, and particularly useful in the study of the discipline because, as Vivien de Saint Martin wrote: "simply by following science as it passes through its successive stages one can see the place it occupies in the general development of humanity" (10) .
In the second half of the 19th century, coinciding with the spectacular growth of the scientific community of geographers, the history of geography turned its attention to new topics. The resonance of the Historical Essay conceming the Progressive Development of the Idea of the Universe, which was published in Alexander de Humboldt's Cosmos (1845-1862) (11) , and the development of physical geography, brought to these histories the evolution of ideas about the physical structure of the world and about the interrelationship between different natural phenomena. At the same time as developing a growing interest in human concerns -which was to lead to the creation of a systematic human geography- attention was also directed towards the history of the techniques and procedures used to establish the wealth and population of countries (censuses, tax-lists, etc) (12) .
At the same time, the development of a new regional geography in the second half of the 19th century implied the search for antecedents in order to delimit the chorographic units. In this respect, certain 18th century geographical contributions, such as those of Buache or the geographers of the Reine Geographie, could now be highlighted. Meanwhile, the issues of the theoretical foundations of the discipline in relation to other scientific fields led to a study of figures in the past, such as Varenius, who had reflected on the contents and methods of this science.
During the last decades of the 19th century, the academic institutionalization of geography was made by affirming the notion of a break with the past. The "new geography" that appeared in the 1880's reduced everything prior to Humboldt and Ritter to being considered as a pre-scientific stage that was now superseded, and converted it into simply an object of attention in the search for antecedents of current ideas. At the same time, the history of cartography and the history of discoveries -which, as we have seen, were traditional ingredients of the history of geography - acquired an independent development and, although they continued to be the subject of attention for certain geographers, began to be increasingly studied by specialists: the former mostly by cartographers and historians of science (13) ; the latter by the historians of society and of techniques (l4) .
From the end of the 19th century, every important theoretical change in the science of geography, and every debate concerning its foundations and methods, has been accompanied by incursions into the history of the discipline with a view to using arguments from the past to support one or other of the contesting conceptions. Important theorical works, like those of Alfred Hettner (15) or Richard Hartshorne (16) , also contain a historical dimension which seeks to illuminate current thinking "in the light of the past".
Our discipline had a difficult struggle towards the end of the 19th century in order to achieve recognition in the universities; moreover, because of its situation at the crossroads between the natural sciences and the social sciences, it has not only had serious problems with its foundations, it has also had numerous critics and competitors. This underlies its felt need for a justification of the discipline and the affirmation of its dignity and independence from the other natural and social sciences. Introductions to university handbooks as well as longer and shorter compendia have approached this task, and frequently there has also been a debate concerning its relations with the sciences that are "adjacent" or "auxiliary" to geography (l7) . In general, as in other disciplines, one has attempted to show the route that has led to modern, truly scientific geography.
However, as one might expect in a subject with both ancient roots, a powerful institutional development, and also a long tradition of historical studies, the histories of geography that have been written throughout the present century are richer and more varied. While it is true that a large number are written out of concern for current issues, there has also been, in past epochs, an important school of histories of geography that were directly linked to the history of science and the history of culture: specific research as well as general works on the geography of the ancient world (18) , of the Middle Ages (19) , of modern times (20) , and of 19th and 20th centuries (21) . Interest in the biographies and the individual contributions of the most illustrious geographers (22) has more recently given way to the ambitious attempt to produce a complete biographical inventory of every geographer who has contributed to the science (23) , and to a concern to collect the testimony of those still alive concerning their training and their ways of working (24) .
Emphasis on the origins and evolution of geographical ideas, as well as on their intellectual and social context, appear again -and with increasing intensity - in certain works that have responded to the call that J K Wright made in 1926, and they continue, more or less explicitly, the line laid down in the works of Lovejoy (25) .
Anthologies of geographical texts have put at the disposal of students selected fragments from the most important geographers (26) , in some cases alongside evidence of the geographical knowledge of other historical authors (poets, philosophers, theologians, travelers, etc.) (27) .
The changes that have taken place since 1950 have caused a fissure in the unity, which the discipline had maintained since the beginning of the century, based on the acceptance by the whole scientific community of the regional paradigm and the historicist approach. These changes led to new generations of historical works, some of which have sought to recount the vicissitudes and the protagonists of the transformations that have taken place (28) . All of this meant, first, greater attention on the present; second, a search for appropriate antecedents for each revolutionary change; and finally, a greater attention to geography's relations with the general evolution of the natural and social sciences, as well as with the general evolution of ideas and of philosophical frames of reference (29) . It has also reinforced the tendency towards a shortened chronology of the history of the subject, one that restricts itself to contemporary geography, that is to say developments subsequent to the contributions of Humboldt and Ritter, who are solemnly considered by all sides as the fathers of present-day geography.
The attempts that have recently been made to present in a global form the discipline's historical development since antiquity faithfully reflect, as always happens, the authors' standpoint vis-a-vis the changes that have been taking place. By way of an example, we only need to cite the case of Preston James's work published in 1972. The different chronology of the changes in different countries becomes evident if we compare this work with that of the German Hanno Beck published the following year (30) . While in the latter the quantitative revolution is totally absent, in the work of James -some 20 years older than the German- we see reflected both his acceptance of the regional paradigm and also his sensitivity to the changes that had been taking place in the discipline in its Anglo-American context (31) . James insists that geography deals with the differences in the earth's surface (geodiversity) and investigates "what things are combined in different places to produce the complex characteristics of the world's landscape"; this shows that James is set in the same line as Hartshorne, that is to say in the conception of a geography of regions and landscapes. However, at the same time, the allusions to the mental images, to the importance of relative location, and the statement that "scientists have formulated many different kinds of explanations to make the mental images plausible and acceptable, and their explanations, in turn, often determined what features they choose to observe", all of which demonstrates that the work was written after the debates of the 1 950's and 1 960's.
One sentence in particular reflects his awareness of, and his reservations about, quantitative geography: according to him, scientists "sought and found mathematical regularities separate from the processes of change, that nevertheless satisfied the urge to explain the images of geodiversity". In this "nevertheless" we see unconsciously reflected his disqualification of those mathematical discoveries which, faced with the urgency to find provisional solutions, provide only momentary satisfaction. In other words, we see in him all the dissatisfaction of a traditional - though sensitive and open geographer with one of the fundamental aspects of the quantitative revolution. Thence arises an excellent history, conceived in a particular place and time (USA, 1970), with a wide perspective, and with great attention to the most recent developments (in the 1 960's), though at the same time without renouncing his own viewpoints.
With all this evolution, the history of geography is today an extraordinarily
rich and diverse field, with a long tradition of research carried out within
the discipline. Ever since the first International Geographical Congress
in Amberes in 1871, practically all meetings have devoted attention to
these topics, usually in specific sections dedicated to "The History of
Geography and Historical Geography". More recently (since 1968), within
the International Geographical Union a commission devoted to "The History
of Geographical Thought" has been formed; this has stimulated new research,
and there have been discussions on reports of the most varied types: journeys,
the history of ideas, philosophical frames of reference, biographies of
scientists, history of the language and methods of geography, institutions,
etc (32) . As one might expect, in all these works there is a mixture:
of those who approach history from concerns that arise in current scientific
or professional practice, and those whose interest is in history itself;
those who use traditional historical techniques, and those in search of
new ways, using philological, bibliometric or iconographic techniques;
those who aim to set their research in the most general area of the history
of science, alongside those who still see their research as serving to
legitimize and dignify the discipline.
The History of Geography in Spain
There has been a similar evolution in Spain. Studies in the history of geography in this country have a long tradition to which we can refer only briefly here. It has undoubtedly been a field of interest to geographers, but also to social historians, naval historians, and historians of science. These studies, together with those of historical geography, have also had great significance in the general development of the subject, since they were, for a long time, predominant among the different geographical studies.
Owing to the intimate association which existed, as we have mentioned, between the history of geography and the history of discoveries, it has been sailors interested in naval history who have produced some of the most important contributions.
We find an example of this in the work of the erudite author of the Enlightement Martin Fernández de Navarrete, whose Disertación sobre la Historia de la Naútica y de las Ciencias Matemáticas que han contribuido a sus progresos entre los españoles, published by the Royal Historical Academy in 1846, is surely the most outstanding contribution of the whole of the 19th century. The founding during the Restoration -specifically in 1876- of the Geographical Society of Madrid (subsequently the Royal Geographical Society) (33) allowed the gathering of a large number of geographers interested in all aspects of the discipline including, among the foremost, the history of geography. The historical topics that were developed by this nucleus of geographers, and by certain historians and naturalists connected to them, were mostly very much in line with the traditional focus which associates the history of geography with the history of geographical discoveries (Table 1). Although there were some works on antiquity and the Middle Ages (concerning journeys, or medieval geographical descriptions), the majority of the contributions were studies of the changes in our knowledge of the earth from the 16th century onwards. Special attention was paid to navigation and to the Spanish cosmographs, as well as Spanish enterprises such as the Geographical Reports, ordered by King Philip ll, or of Spanish enterprises in America. Obituaries and commemorative tributes formed another important line of work, to which should be added the historical accounts of certain geographical institutions, from the Casa de Contratación in Seville, to the Geographical and Statistical Institute, and the Geographical Society itself. Finally, the zeal to keep abreast of the geographical advances of the times and to report one's participation at international congresses gave rise to a last line which are today valuable contributions to the history of geography, although at the time, of course, they did not have this purpose. At all events, this is the reason why in current bibliographies on this topic (34) we notice a heavy concentration on the 1 9th and the beginning of the 20th centuries (Table 1).
|Spanish studies in the history of geography 1880-1984.|
|Period -- Gen. Studies - Antiquity -Middle Ages -16th/17th C. -18th C.- 19th C. -20th C. -Concept/Method -Total|
|1880-89 ------ 1 ----------------- 0 ---------------
2 ------------- 0 ------------ 1 -------- 1 -------- 0 ----------------
0 -------------- 5
1890-99 ------ 0 ----------------- 0 --------------- 0 ------------- 0 ------------ 0 -------- 8 -------- 0 ---------------- 0 -------------- 8
1900-09 ------ 0 ----------------- 1 --------------- 3 ------------- 5 ------------ 2 -------- 5 -------- 2 ---------------- 2 ------------- 20
1910-19 ------ 2 ----------------- 0 --------------- 0 ------------- 4 ------------ 0 -------- 3 -------- 0 ---------------- 4 ------------- 13
1920-29 ------ 2 ----------------- 2 --------------- 2 ------------- 3 ------------ 2 -------- 5 -------- 2 ---------------- 2 ------------- 17
1930-39 ------ 0 ----------------- 1 --------------- 1 ------------- 1 ------------ 4 -------- 2 -------- 2 ---------------- 4 ------------- 15
1940-49 ------ 6 ----------------- 0 --------------- 3 ------------- 7 ------------ 4 -------- 7 -------- 0 ---------------- 4 ------------- 31
1950-59 ------ 0 ----------------- 4 --------------- 1 ------------- 6 ----------- 10 -------- 2 -------- 1 ---------------- 1 ------------- 25
1960-69 ------ 1 ----------------- 0 --------------- 0 ------------- 5 ------------ 8 -------- 3 -------- 0 ---------------- 0 ------------- 17
1970-79 ------ 1 ----------------- 0 --------------- 0 ------------- 3 ------------ 4 -------- 6 -------- 3 ---------------- 1 ------------- 18
1980-84 ------ 2 ----------------- 0 --------------- 1 ------------- 5 ----------- 11 -------- 7 -------- 3 ---------------- 3 ------------- 32
|Total ----14 ----------- 7 --------- 12 ------ 39 ------ 46 ---- 49 --- 13 --------- 21------- 201|
|Source: Based on Bosque,1984, op. cit. in Note 34|
The general historical works that were published during the Restoration continued to set forth the progress in geographical knowledge of the earth in general and of its continents and countries, and they therefore continued to be histories of discoveries and explorations -which at this time reached as far as the polar regions- but devoted ever more attention to geographical descriptions and to geographers and their individual works. Among all the published works, that of Jerónimo Becker (Los estudios geográficos en España. Ensayo de una historia de la Geografía, Madrid, 1917) deserves a special mention. The introduction of the new French (and, to a lesser extent, the new German) geography also led to certain theoretical debates published in particular after 1910.
In referring to the content and focus of the studies that were made before the civil war, one expert, Professor Joaquín Bosque Maurel, has seen fit to write that the studies in the history of geography were produced "with a greater concern for description than for explanation, of the facts and of the protagonists" (35) .
In the years immediately after the Spanish civil war (1936-1939), geographers went on writing this type of history, which continued to concentrate on the usual topics: discoveries, chorographic studies, biographies, and the contributions of individual geographers. Certain authors who had started to publish before the war continued to do so, (Amando Melon, José Gavira, Juan Dantín). The celebration of certain jubilees meant that certain figures received repeated attention, both from geographers and from historians: the cases of Humboldt and Jorge Juan particularly stand out because of the number of studies that were devoted to them. The history of cartography, of geodesic triangulation, and of the scientific institutions aroused renewed interest, centered in particular on the figures of Ibañez de Ibero and Francisco de Coello. There appeared also more general works on specific topics, such as Spanish military cartography in the 19th century (36) ; at the same time certain new topics were tackled, such as the history of administrative divisions or the history of certain geographical concepts (37) .
In certain cases, the concern for the history of the discipline in a broad, general perspective was united with an interest in the most recent changes and in the theoretical foundations of geography (38) ; there was also an appreciation of less well-known traditions such as the Catalan tradition (39) . Meanwhile, the most recently published anthologies adopted a short chronology, only including texts from the 19th and 20th centuries (40) . Handbooks and more general works have on occasions continued to incorporate historical contributions that, by through legitimacy and self-justification, serve a socializing function.
The contribution of social and naval historians continues to stand out and, thanks to these, we have new and valuable studies: of the geographical institutions, like the Casa de Contratación by J. Pulido, or the Geographical Society of Madrid an excellent study by E. Hernández Sandoica; of cosmographs such as Alonso de Chaves, by P. Castañeda; of the role of geography in the economic development of the Enlightenment, by J. Muñoz Pérez; of the development of American geography, by F. Morales, J. Muñoz Pérez, R. Serrera, et al. Historians of science show a growing interest in navigation and journeys (J. M. Lopez Piñero); in expeditions (Lucena); or in the process of geometrication of the earth (A. Lafuente). At the same time, institutions like the Naval Museum, the Museum of Natural Sciences, The National Library, the Geographical Service of the Army, and others tackled the publication of systematic catalogues of their richly documented archives or the publication of manuscripts and other works of great geographical interest which had become out of print.
Without doubt, the range of Spanish studies in the history of geography
is today richer and more varied than was the case in years gone by, both
with regard to available sources, and also to individual papers and interest
in new topics. In general, though, there is still a predominance of descriptive
and monographic studies, while those of an interpretative nature remain
a minority. At all events, one frequently notes a failure to set these
studies within a more general frame of reference linked to the great theoretical
concerns, or within the history of science at the time in question. In
one sense, however, this should be the main concern in setting up research
programs, since these urgently need to go beyond a scope restricted to
the discipline itself, and shed -if it is still there- the concern with
apologetics for, and self-justification of, the discipline, and instead,
in close collaboration with philosophers, epistemologists, historians and
sociologists, adopt a more general frame of reference.
The general frame of reference and the goals of the program
The beginning of the research program in the history of geography undertaken by our Department team at the University of Barcelona was closely linked to the changes that began to take place in the science of geography in the 1 950's, and which were felt in Spain towards the end of the 1 960's. In those years, the delayed impact in our country of the quantitative revolution and, immediately following it, the first echoes of the antipositivist revolution (41) forced us to question the theoretical presuppositions that had prevailed in the geographical community up to that point. This gave rise to theoretical reflections which soon led to an epistemological, historical and sociological enquiry into the foundations and development of the discipline.
In the first phase we had to come to grips with the theoretical and methodological presuppositions of the "new geographies", and spread the word. Some of the first works whose aim was to systematize and proselytize were published in the Revista de Geografía of the then recently founded Department of Geography at the University of Barcelona (42) , and also in the collection "Geographical Thought and Method", where we published a translation -some 20 years after its original publication- of the particularly important theoretical paper by Fred K. Shaeffer, Exceptionalism in Geography (43) . The promotion of a systematic understanding both of the basic theoretical texts of thenew movements and also the standpoints that criticized the prevailing ideas was what lay behind the founding of Geo Crítica, subtitled "Critical Papers in Human Geography" the first issue appeared in January 1976, and its aims of criticism and renewal were manifest right from the start (44) .
The changes that took place revealed, time and again, the need to answer questions concerning the definition and goal of geography, concerning the strands of continuity that existed between the new developments and the old geographical tradition, concerning the validity of geographical synthesis and the integration of physical and human aspects into the discipline, concerning the position of geography in the system of the sciences and its relation to other scientific disciplines, particularly to those that had hitherto been considered as "adjacent" or "auxiliary" sciences. There was a constant recurrence of the subject of continuity and change, while the changes that had recently taken place were so momentous that they appeared to question the notion of the linear development and progressive accumulation of the science.
All of this led to a consideration of the subject of "normal science", of scientific revolutions, as well as of the paradigms, concepts that had earlier been applied in Geography in an attempt to explain the changes that were taking place (45) .
Without doubt, Kuhn's work on scientific revolutions had crystallized many ideas -still diffuse in the early 60's- about the farreaching nature of the revolutionary changes which various branches of science had undergone during the 1 950's. Geography was one of the subjects most profoundly affected, and the notion of "revolution" had come to be widely accepted in the geographical community. It is no accident that in 1963 lan Burton published an article on "The quantitative revolution and theoretical geography", where he emphasized the importance of the change and defended the view that the revolution had triumphed in geography (46) . Shortly afterwards, Kuhn's ideas were applied directly to geography in order to justify the change of paradigm, and they became standard in the discipline (47) .
In early 1970, when all of these issues were making themselves felt in geography in Spain, the debate over Kuhn's proposals was very lively, and serious criticisms had already been leveled at his scheme, which nevertheless proved to be enormously stimulating (48) . This is why we need to look at alternative views, especially starting from Gaston Bachelard's and Michel Foucault's ideas of "epistemological breaks" and epistemic changes (49) , and ending with the positivism-historicism contrast proposed by Ernest Cassirer, Von Wright (50) and other epistemologists, which in one form is found implicitly in geography in the work of Shaeffer, whose theory is closely linked to German neopositivist circles (51) .
This last cited theoretical frame of reference provides us with a basis for presenting the history of contemporary geographical thought in terms of the recurrent contrast between positivism and historicism (52) . This interpretative scheme was also applied to the evolution of contemporary physical geography (53) , as well as to the development of Spanish geography and to the thought of certain contemporary geographers (54) .
Just as Kuhn predicted, every revolutionary change in a science leads to the rewriting of its history (55) . Right from the outset, this is precisely what quantitative geographers did: they quoted new accounts and authorities in their struggle to gain acceptance for the new ideas (56) . But this at the same time threw doubt on the whole of accepted history, since it put in question the value and significance of the historical precedents that had been commonly accepted for much longer than the strictly contemporary period.
From 1974 on, in the collection "Pensamiento y Método Geográficos" (Geographical thought and Method), we aimed to re-xamine the authorities and the significant works in the history of modern geography, including both figures who had had little direct impact on the Spanish tradition and texts that had been forgotten or were little known. This is the reason behind the partial translation of Varenius' Geografía Generalis (1650) (57) and of the study concerning the significance of this work (58) , as well as certain later publications (59) .
It was becoming increasingly clear that the revolutionary scientific changes affected both theory and methods, while at the same time producing decisive changes in questions of prestige and power relationships within the scientific community.
In the 1 950's and 1 960's the debate surrounding the introduction of quantitative geography had turned into a real civil war within the community; what was at stake was not merely scientific conceptions, but also social factors relating to control over the community (60) . At the same time, the early research that we carried out into the institucional development of contemporary geography showed the importance of the opposition and social conflicts which it had produced within the scientific community in the 1 9th century. It also highlighted the decisive role played by the defence of the geographers' interests, and the strategies that were adopted for this, in the configuration of academic geography from the turn of the century on (61) .
What began to emerge from all of this was an autonomous program in the history of geography which sought to encompass the whole development of modern geography, from the Renaissance and the Scientific Revolution up to the present. Right from the start, due to the nature of its origins and goals, this program necessarily implied profound historical, theoretical and sociological dimensions. As it has unfolded, we have been led to forge ever increasing links with other specialists studying the same topics but from different angles.
This research program, in which we have been fully engaged for the last fifteen years, makes certain presuppositions which need to be made clear.
1 Above all, an acceptance of the usefulness of historical research in the work of today's scientists. Faced with different and succeeding "new geographies" (62) and faced with the diversity of theoretical and methodological options in our subject today, historical research, guided by well-defined theoretical goals and permanently and dynamically in touch with current scientific practice, offers a perspective that allows us to discriminate, evaluate and select among different approaches and methods, and allows us to compare the different theories that are put forward.
2 From the educational point of view, the history of a subject, and in general the history of science, plays an important part because it helps us to respond undogmatically to questions concerning the boundaries of each branch of knowledge and their relations with other sciences. Moreover, and perhaps more importantly, it allows us to show that scientific oroblems have invariablv been formulated historically, and this underlines that what is important in science is never the answers but the formulation of the questions (63) .
3 The history of geography, like that of any subject, also has a value for its own sake; not in its search for legitimacy, but as a contribution to the history of science, and in general to the history of society. Our interest is in the history of geography in relation to other aspects of scientific activity in the past, that is to say as history of science, of culture and of society.
4 Although our program touches on general issues, the prime focus of
our research is on the history of geography and the history of science
in Spain and in the Iberoamerican countries. This tradition is richer and
more important than is normally appreciated by historians brought up in
the Anglosaxon, French or German schools; indeed it is essential in our
discipline in order to understand the origin of modern geography. Finally,
our project also has a political dimension in that we are convinced that
the history of hispanic science can contribute to eliminate the feelings
of inferiority often found in our countries. This has grave consequences
for our university students since they accept uncritically the stereotypes
of superiority of other traditions, without a due appreciation of their
own history; they are thus easy prey to cultural colonization and become
incapable of conceiving and carrying out ambitious scientific projects
Continuity and Change
The problem of continuity and change within the scientific disciplines is felt acutely in a science like geography, which has been studied without a break for -at least- virtually three thousand years: The comparison of present-day geographical works with those of the past reveals immediately profound differences of goals and method. While the term that is used for this branch of science, "geography", i.e. description of the earth, has remained constant, and while members of the community tend to affirm the notion of continuity, an examination of the evolution of the discipline allows us to see the great differences in the work of the geographer, not only from the ages of Herodotus and Estrabón, but even between what was done in the 18th century and what is today undertaken by these scholars.
This led us to set up a line of research that would attempt to reconstruct an unprejudiced history of geography from the Renaissance and the Scientific Revolution up to the present. We hold that the modern era is essential to the modifications to the content of the discipline, but that changes from classical times up to the Renaissance may, for our purposes, be disregarded.
As well as the analysis of the changes within the subject, we are interested in its relations with other branches of knowledge, and the interchanges and reciprocal influences that there may have been. The study of these relationships is very important, both at times when there was no marked scientific specialization, with scientists often simply changing the boundaries between the various sciences, and also from the 19th century on, when as a rule we find institutions and scientific communities clearly structured and differentiated.
From the very beginning, geography has had a dual nature, partly mathematical and partly historical, making this study of great interest, but at the same time creating a danger because of the breadth and diversity of the directions that could be followed.
The traditional division of general geography into mathematical (or astronomical), physical (or natural) and political (or civil) reflects the different facets of this branch of knowledge. This division was clearly made as early as the 17th century. As a mixed mathematical science it studied the geographical characteristics that derive from the shape and movements of the earth, made measurements and produced maps. As a physical or natural science, it was concerned with the composition of the planet, with the shape of its surface, with the distribution of land and sea -this latter being the specific subject matter of hydrography- and of the distribution of vegetable and animal life. Finally, as a political science, its concerns were the characteristics of the peoples of the earth and the nature of their societies.
At the same time, the special, particular or chorographic side of geography described continents, countries and regions in all the complexity of their physical and human traits, and this became an enormously ambitious encyclopedic undertaking.
As a descriptive science geography was a "historical" subject, and it figures as such in many of the classifications of the sciences from the Renaissance on; however, at the same time it was included, closely related to astronomy, as a mixed mathematical or physicomathematical science.
As a mixed mathematical science, geography was studied as part of Mathematics at the universities, and it has been present in practically all the great scientific institutions of modern times. In the 17th century it was in the vanguard of scientific knowledge, and it was associated with the solutions to some of the great problems of the Scientific Revolution (65) . This relationship and the growing separation which took place between geography and mathematics in the 18th century have been the subject of some of our papers (66) . The publication of the work of Manuel de Aguirre (1782) made accessible a basic text of 18th century Spanish geography; it was representative of the "new geography" which was possible thanks to the definitive resolution of the problem of the size and shape of the earth (67) .
The study of the mathematical dimensions of geography naturally leads to the history of cartography in the modern and contemporary eras; some of our work has already dealt with this topic, and it is one of the fields we would like to tackle in greater depth in the future (68) . The republication and study of the first great scientific bibliography of the Hispanic world -Andrés González de Barcia's edition of A. León Pinelo's Epitome (1737)- puts at our disposal a copious source of references to works on geography, cosmography and navigation, as well as ancient maps, which could prove extremely useful for later studies.
We must also look at the relationship between physical geography and the physical sciences, and our project began by turning to the study of the specific contributions of geographers to the development of theories concerning the earth, and also to the influences that have made themselves felt from other branches of science. The systematization of data from diverse sources on relief, rivers, seas and lakes, and the speculations concerning the laws of their distribution over the surface of the earth, are contributions of the first order that geographers made to the study which we today call geology. Issues that particularly interest us are: how physical geography became today's geology and similarly, what were the changing relations between the former and both the geology of plants and zoogeography.
Through political and regional geography, relations were established with a wide range of social sciences, which only started to become scientific disciplines in the 18th century. In that century, political economics, statistics and ethnography -in particular- overlapped with geography, both in aims and methods. As in the cases already quoted, their development as independent disciplines could not help affecting the integrative ambitions of the latter.
The evolution of the names of the branches of knowledge reflects the trials and changes in the evolution of science. The first thing that strikes us is the large number of branches which appeared in the luxuriant trees of earlier classifications of the sciences, but which today are not recognized as such.
Another noteworthy fact is the semantic changes that affect the meaning of names of the sciences. Geography itself is an interesting example of this.
As the 17th century progressed, the description of the earth (geography) gave way to the scientific study of the earth (geology), but the new science -which finally acquired this name among other possibilities that were also current- developed only one of the facets that made up classical and modern geography. With the development of astronomy, geophysics, botany (especially botanical geography), statistics, political economy, etc., geography was becoming reduced essentially to chorography (the description of countries and regions) and topography (the description of places and counties). The former, however, which could have turned into chorology, was used for one part of geography (regional geography), and the latter turned into a new branch of science with different aims. In fact, in the 19th century "topography" was used in two different senses. One was the traditional sense, and was widely used in medicine at the time, which had not yet undergone the bacteriological revolution and which still laid great emphasis on the old Hippocratic line of environmental causes. We are referring to the "medical topographies", occasionally on the grand scale -and therefore truly topographic- but sometimes medium or small scale -and thus chorographic; in all of these we see reflected the old geographical line of regional studies (70) . The second sense was new: it referred to the appearance of a new science in the hands of new practitioners for the geodesical and cartographical operations in the territory.
The persistence and the changes in the names of branches of science are certainly of great interest; they give us a shifting panorama of the system of sciences in relation to the transformations in the bases of scientific activity.
After the process of specialization -starting in the 18th century and increasing in the 19th- geography might have disappeared, with its functions being taken over by other sciences: geology; cosmography, an old name now in desuetude but which was used institutionally even up to the 1 9th century; statistics, or the study of a state's data; physiography, or the descriptive study of the earth's surface in all its complexity, which was on the point of replacing geography in education; ecology, or the science of relationship between living creatures and their habitat; political economy; chorography; topography ... But it did not disappear for various reasons, among which we should emphasize the educational: the presence of Geography in the educational system as well as its educational and cultural role.
In the whole of this diachronic process, one event in the 19th century
was to take on an ever-increasing significance. This was the formation
of well structured scientific communities with strong institutional backing.
These were the cause of the crystallization of science into clearly demarcated
disciplines that competed among themselves for the well defined fields
of learning. It began as a problem in the rational classification of libraries
- which presupposed a classification of the subjects; it thence turned
into a philosophical question concerning the classification of the fields
of knowledge; it continued in the 18th century as a more or less successful
exercise and effort to propose new names; and it reached its conclusion
in the 1 9th century with the crystallization into rigidly demarcated disciplines
that were studied by mutually competinc scientific communities.
Models of professionalization and institutionalization
Institutionalization and professionalization, with the concomitant training in the scientific communities, has in reality played an essential part in the formation and development of the scientific disciplines. It is these communities, backed by teaching and research institutions, that have made possible the process of specialization, which was fundamental to scientific progress in the 18th an 19th centuries.
The sociology of science has shown quite clearly how important a community focus and institutional factors are in the process of academic socialization and in the selection and acceptance of scientific concepts. It is through the creation and consolidation of scientific communities that social action normally makes itself felt in the development of scientific thought. This is why, we might say, the old controversy between internalists and externalists can be given a new perspective, focussing on those institutional and community aspects.
The scientific community, which is a subsystem of society, is in its turn broken down differentiated, disciplinary communities, with varying prestige and social power. In these communities, when the practical, applied or technical side is more important than the purely scientific, we mav speak of professional bodies.
Although the communities have intellectual interests in common, they also have to defend corporate interests, vis-a-vis both their individual members and also competing communities. In pursuing these interests, they display -both within the community and outside it- social and intellectual strategies that are sometimes essential for the evolution of scientific concepts.
Within this general view, the study of the community of geographers became a cornerstone of our research. We have distinguished two separate periods. During the first, reaches to the 18th or early 19th century, the profession of geographer existed, but there was little specialization and professionalization. By this we mean that geographers, just like other scientists, would often study different fields of learning. In the second, starting in the middle of the 19th century, national scientific communities were formed and these, through organizations and intersecting relations, became integrated into a supranational community of geographers with rigidly defined rules of access and modes of operation. Our project aims to establish: the specific and general characteristics of the community of geographers and their relationship with the rest of the scientific community; the different models of professionalization and of organization of the intellectual tasks; the rules of access and the internal operating norms; and in general the social strategies that are deployed and their influence on scientific activity and the concepts that are generated. We believe we have been able to demonstrate conclusively that, in the case of the community of geographers, certain aspects in the evolution of the subject are not fully comprehensible unless we take into account all these social aspects (71) .
The process of socialization which takes place within a community is essential to the way in which practice is carried out; the vocabulary, the concepts and even the very theories put forward will be affected by entry requirements, syllabuses, reading and practical assignments, professional applications, etc. This is why, when different scientific communities tackle subjects that totally or partially coincide, the relation between the community structure and the intellectual output is of particular interest. This is a new, stimulating way of tackling the general issue of the connection between social factors and the development of scientific thought.
Geography is especially well situated for this type of comparative analysis. As a science that deals with the earth's spatial arrangement and relations, it well overlap more or less extensively with other subjects that deal with the same space. We feel that it is of great interest to observe how scientists or professionals from different communities approach the same goal.
Apart from geographers, some of the scientific communities that deal in their various ways with the earth's space are: geologists, geophysicists, soil scientists, botanists, oceanographers, economists, anthropologists, human ecologists, sociologists and historians. To these we need to add several technical-scientific communities whose work, which requires previous training of a scientific kind, impinges on that space: architects; highway, forestry, civil and mining engineers; agronomists; and the armed forces. For all of these, just as for geographers, the earth's space is the ineluctable setting for the working out of their theories or for their professional operations that seek to change it. However, corresponding to the various aims, each one selects and highlights different aspects. It is an essential part of our research to show in what way this takes place and how the community structure affects the selection and development of spatial concepts and theories. This is why we have chosen some of these communities to start our project; we cannot deny that we would prefer to have the time and the means to embrace them all.
The methodology that we use includes the analysis of various dimensions. One is a study of the institutional structure: legislation concerning qualifications and functions; internal operational norms; recruitment, selection, quality control. Another looks at the process of academic socialization: syllabuses and courses of study; teaching institutions; degrees; ideological justification of the dignity and usefulness of the work to be done. A third is an inventory of the members of the scientific community; this should be as complete as possible, thus allowing subsequent prosopographic analysis. Finally, the study and appreciation of the scientific output, of the professional work and of the other intellectual activities of the members of the group, with special attention, in our case, to the publications and activities that refer to the earth's space.
The aim of all this is an understanding of the intellectual bases and the social interests that might have affected the development of concepts and scientific theories related to the earth's space; we must separate, on the one hand, any common aspects that are the result of ideas prevailing in the scientific community in general or in society at each moment in history, and, on the other, those specific, distinguishing features related to socialization in the discipline and to the intellectual and professional aims of the community.
With this methodology we have already undertaken a study of the corps of Spanish military engineers. Throughout the 18th and part of the 19th centuries -due to the late appearance of civil engineersthis group was essential to cartographic work, to the description and study of the land, and to spatial arrangement. For the 18th century we have produced a biographical index and inventory of the scientific and spatial work undertaken by the thousand or so members of the group (72) , and also a study of their scientific training and institutional structure (73) , as well as various analyses of their spatial operations (74) . We are now carrying out an analysis of their scientific and cartographic output, relating it to the norms of the corps (orders that determined the type of maps and descriptions to be made), and to their training in the Spanish Military Academies of Mathematics in the 1 8th century. As to the 19th century, the study of this corps has been set in a more general analysis of the role of geography and the use of spatial concepts in military training (75) .
At the same time we have tackled, either directly or in relation to other lines of research, the study of oceanographers (76) , forestry engineers (77) , agricultural engineers (78) , highway engineers (79) , soil scientists (80) , anthropologists (81) , and, as we have already said, geographers. If the whole project is allowed to continue for a few more years, we hope to be able to reach interesting conclusions, within our limited scope, concerning the general issue of the relation between social factors and the development of scientific knowledge.
In our view, this corporative and institutional analysis is also in close relation to the problem of the formation and evolution of the scientific disciplines. The differences in "these rational undertakings that are the scientific disciplines" have both an intellectual and a social dimension. From the intellectual point of view, the disciplines are distinguished by the key issues which they seek to resolve; from the social viewpoint, by the ecological, i.e. institutional, setting in which they have developed. Starting with the institutionalization and formation of the scientific community, there is a growing differentiation that leads to a vocabulary, concepts and traditions that become constantly more distinct. The disciplinary boundaries and the existence of conflicts between communities set limits, in certain cases, to contacts and intellectual interchanges; at other times they result in new relations that affect theoretical and methodological evolution.
Of the two dimensions that have to be taken into account in the definition and demarcation of the scientific disciplines, the social is probably the more fundamental. This is shown by the existence of communities who tackle a similar or practically identical key issue, but consider themselves, nevertheless, as separate communities and disciplines. Examples of this are: sociology and anthropology, geography and human ecology, or geography and regional studies as a branch of economics; we have devoted some attention to the last two of these (82) . On many occasions, it is the profession that the scientist claims he belongs to -through his institutional connections- rather than the problems, methods and theories that distinguish certain disciplines from others.
All of this presupposes historical and sociological research that is
of interest to current scientific practice. Issues that can be illuminated
by this research are: the evaluation of the role of the scientific disciplines,
and of the disciplining of the scientists, in scientific development; the
academic and institutional strategies for the development of new fields
of knowledge; or the question of the legality of using theories and methods
from one discipline in another.
The internalist perspective
Even if the sociological, "externalist" focus is essential in understanding scientific output, it nevertheless cannot be exclusive. Together with it we also need the "internalist" perspective, which considers scientific ideas in themselves, their genesis, their internal logic and their evolution, seeking to discover the intellectual influences that form them.
In this respect our research up to now has favored, apart from the evolution of geographical thought (to which we have already referred), above all certain specific fields.
1 Theories of the physical structure of the earth, and the interaction between philosophy, theology an natural science.
The concern for the continuity into the modern era of ideas from classical times led us to study the influence of the Platonic and Aristotelian traditions on the reformulation of the organicist conceptions that spread in Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries, particularly with reference to the theories about the central fire, volcanism and earthquakes (83) . We studied with special attention the work of Father Kircher, which was profoundly organicist and had great influence on European thought towards the end of the 17th century (84) .
The problem of the late development of the Scientific Revolution in the field of what is today known as biology also became a basic issue. Here the fundamental factor was the biblical conception of the creation of the world and of the universal deluge.
The empirical facts of erosion and changes in the earth's surface shape are difficult to account for within a providentialist, anthropocentric or teleological frame of reference. Such a frame assumed that the world was created by God for men and that is was unchangeable since it was the divine plan which required no corrections.
Many rationalizations of the biblical story were put forward in the 17th century by people with different backgrounds and concerns. These resulted in the formulation and diffusion of daring hypotheses that allowed the notion of change and evolution in the earth's surface gradually to gain acceptance. This led us to study the issue of the influence of religious beliefs and theological standpoints on the development of geology (85) , and we have published a number of papers representative of that period (86) .
Profoundly innovative ideas like those Descartes -who applied the spirit of the Scientific Revolution to the theory of the earth- or the cautious attitude and empiricist mentality of Varenius could only spread and have any real impact when there appeared hypotheses alternative or complementary to that of Genesis (87) .
Other topics of interest include the evolution of the notions of physical geography in Spains (88) ; the arrival here during the 19th century of modern geological theories (89) ; and also the appearance and spreading of geomorphological theories. Among these, one area that has received ample treatment is the problems relating to the action of glaciers and the foundation of glaciology (90) ; this is related to another line of research which we mention below.
2 The history of ideas about the environment constitutes the second major area tackled from an internalist standpoint. As in the previous case, the standpoint is never exclusively internalist, since at times it is very difficult to separate the internal from the social aspects.
The view that prevailed in Europe until the 18th century was of a providentialist nature. There was no place for concern over natural resources since, in accordance with the divine plan of creation, man would find in nature everything necessary for life.
The crisis of this providentialist, anthropocentric and teleological view, as well as the realization that certain resources -like woods and fish- might well be affected by human exploitation, gave rise to a conservationist attitude; this appears clearly formulated in learned Spanish thought towards the end of the 18th century (91) . We find here the roots of a current of thought that increased in importance during the 19th century; it was related to the defence of the great forests, and to the struggle against the erosion and for the protection of natural spaces (92) . In the mid-20th century it culminated in the movements of an ecologist nature and in concern over the issue of the earth's resources (93) .
Linked in certain ways to the environmental tradition, we find the development of concern for health. In the field of medicine, the Hippocratic tradition gave way to a line of studies concerning the nature of the environment and its influence on human health and diseases. Here we find -as we have mentioned above- the origin of the "medical topographies", which were produced by these specialists and which had such great significance as paradigms of chorographic studies (94) . Similarly, the concern over the environmental conditions in towns, and their effect on the evolution of epidemics, stimulated the development of a school of public hygiene which had great influence during the 19th century (95) .
3 The third area deals with the theories of the social sciences. During the Renaissance and the 17th century, the formulation of these theories is to be found in very diverse places. Of these, history is doubtless the most fundamental; in this connection, it is worth looking at certain specialized fields which have largely gone unattended. The histories of towns, for example, form a well defined and significant corpus. From the early 16th century, works of this type reveal, on the one hand, the influence of classical historiography, especially Titus Livius, of the political works of Plato and Aristotle, and of St. Augustine's City of God, as well as the work of geographers and naturalists like Pliny. On the other hand, they served as a starting point for the development of a new historiographic model, of an analysis of society at the service of certain social groups, and, subsequently, of ideals of social reform. We must therefore regard these works as representing a meeting point between historical learning and utopia (96) .
Another important line of thought which gave rise to the development of social theories is to be found in statistical collections and in reflections on the growth in population. Up to the 1 8th century, this concern with number of people adopted an optimistic attitude linked to the providentialist view; it was only with the work of Malthus that it became a powerful pessimistic current, and this was soon felt in Spain (97) . Throughout the 19th century, this concern with numbers was united to a concern for the quality of life; this, in the context of the positivist climate that arose in the middle of the century, became a concern for selection and eugenics. Thus was developed a powerful line of thought, in conflict with Christian tradition and with European Enlightenment; in the 20th century it would lead to political demographic proposals which tended towards a selection of people and which have generally been united to totalitarian political ideologies and racist attitude (98) .
One conclusion which we can draw from all this research is the complexity of the intellectual influences that shape the development of scientific concepts and theories. Traditionally the historians of the physical and natural sciences have been insensitive to philosophy, religion and the arts; this has hampered a proper appreciation of the fact that scientific ideas are closely interwoven with the development of thought in general, and even with aesthetic and literary ideas. This was not only the case in the past -before the dissociation between what C. P. Snow has called "the two cultures"- but even today in that, in spite of this dissociation, the circulation of ideas is extremely rapid, and the interaction between science and the arts is greater than is normally believed. In this respect our research leads in the same direction as that of other researchers into the history of science - as we can see from recent congresses and publications.
What is also clear from our work is that empirical data on their own
have a very limited value; with these alone it is very difficult to arrive
at general theories. The same data can take on extremely varied values
in different theories. Thus empirical observations concerning erosion only
achieved true significance when the biblical conception was challenged
and the idea of change on earth was accepted. Similarly, accounts of the
depletion of fish populations could be seen very differently depending
on whether one accepted the providentialist, teleological view or not.
Again, information concerning the evolution of human populations acquires
a different value from an optimist's and from a pessimist's viewpoint.
How empirical date and theories interact is an issue which is still debated,
and it deserves to be tackled from a historical standpoint.
The teaching of science
The need for a new, integrated focus in the studies of the history of science is seen clearly when we recognize the dissociation that exists between the history of education and the history of scientific disciplines and ideas.
Our research program attempts to avoid this divorce. In this respect our options derive above all from an interest in the teaching of geography, which is not specifically historical. Our interest lies in the role and function of geography in primary and secondary education and in the renewal of teaching methods for geography. At first this led us to examine the supposedly innovative proposals that were put forward throughout the 1970's (99) , as well as the alternative that were being developed both within the discipline and elsewhere (100) . The analysis of these proposals requires a historical perspective to allow an evaluation of the new features that they claimed, rightly or wrongly, to include. Also we sought to reveal any valid critical elements that there may have been in similar debates in the past (101) . At the same time, the continuous presence of geography in all the curricula of basic education ever since the Renaissance, as well as our hypothesis that this presence had been decisive in its institutionalization in the universities during the 19th century, forced us to view the topic from a historical standpoint.
Without doubt, geography has been a privileged subject, due to its long and important presence in basic education in both European and other countries for the last 500 years. However, the history of the teaching of an individual subject cannot be properly understood if we do not look at the overall structure of the curricula and at the relative weight that the different subjects have there; it is this which allows us to draw conclusions about the role assigned to them.
We therefore need diachronic and structural studies of the curricula at the different levels of education. Thus our current research has undertaken a broad analysis of geography in Spanish education. Using things like the number of hours for each subject, we have reconstructed its relative position in the whole curriculum; we have also interpreted the changes in the educational system in the light of modifications both in the social structure and also in pedagogy (102) .
The history of the teaching of geography has led us towards: first,
the history of science teaching in secondary education; second, the history
of primary education; third, the organization of colleges of education
and the training of primary school teachers (103) ; and finally, the relation
between workers' political movements and science teaching (104) . This
has forced us time and again to take up a position where we consider simultaneously
the history of science, the history of pedagogy as well as social and political
The spread of scientific ideas
Thanks to its continuous presence in the curricula and to its popularity, geography is á subject that has contributed greatly to the spread of scientific knowledge; like other subjects, it has also had important ideological functions. It is largely through geography that educated people have traditionally acquired knowledge about the position of the earth in the universe, about the physical structure of the planet, its surface features, its climate, the people that live there, and the characteristics of the different continents and countries.
The study of the content of geography textbooks is a fruitful line of research for an understanding of what has been taught and also to observe the persistence of old ideas or the arrival of new ones. To this end we started, some time ago, the analysis of elementary geography teaching in the 18th century by studying the syllabuses of the public examinations (105) ; we are now following this with a study of the geography textbooks used in Spanish schools in the first half of the 19th century (106) , in the subsequent 50 years (107) , as well as a bibliography of the geography textbooks used in Spain between 1800 and 1939 (108) Our research has also included textbooks for history (109) , and for agricultur (110) , and in the future we intend to take up other subjects and also stimulate similar undertakings in the Iberoamerican countries.
There seems to be an enormous interest in this aspect of the research, though the task is certainly laborious. In its most ambitious form, it requires as comprehensive a list as possible of the textbooks for the different levels of education -primary, secondary, tertiary, and special education- with the number of editions and, if possible, the number printed. We must also identify the authors and learn about their training and whether they were specialists or not, as well as studying the overall structure of the books. Finally, we need to study the content itself, paying attention to the novelty or otherwise of what is taught, and relating it all the time to the development of the subject at the highest level. Starting from an inventory of the textbooks, it is possible to produce simple bibliometric analyses which, in a first approximation, will yield the names of the publishers, the most prolific and influential authors, the importance of translations, and the number of editions or how long they survived; our study has shown that on occasion they enjoyed a life of more than half a century (111) .
Later on -and including the bibliographical references that they textbooks have- it will be possible to apply, though with due caution (112) , more sophisticated bibliometric techniques in order to learn about the scientific activity. At the same time, although we feel that a qualitative analysis of the contents is still essential, the application of new techniques like lexicometry will perhaps yield quantitative data which reflect the conceptual evolution (113) .
Our understanding of the true impact of scientific ideas, both on the general public and also on the scientific community, is an important topic which has recently been taken up. Bibliometric analysis of quotations is a commonly used technique and, although is has limitations, it is undoubtedly useful. This area can also be approached in a qualitative way through a careful analysis of the texts actually produced by scientists, particularly specific authors of note, and which are identified either through direct references or by implication. On a more general scale, the study of the spread of scientific ideas and of their audience can also draw on other sources: subscribers and purchasers of journals; publishers' and bookshop sales; library catalogues; post mortem inventories, etc. We have used these -with encouraging results- in the study of the spread of geography and its audience in the 18th century (114) , and we intend to continue with this.
From the point of view of social history, it is important to encourage studies of the popular spread of science, of the acceptance or rejection of new scientific ideas, of how fast and through what channels new ideas have spread, now and in the past. One could claim that what today passes for popular culture is in large measure scientific culture that was vulgarized in the past through the pulpit, school, peasant calendars, religious works, or scientific periodicals and books. What popular sayings, proverbs and beliefs often contain simply fragments of classical culture, (for example, Aristotle, Pliny, Seneca, etc.), or Renaissance or humanist culture. These have been vulgarized and incorporated into folk lore in such a way that it is difficult to recognize them unless their origin is identified. We have data which demonstrate the truth of this in popular ideas concerning the structure of the earth, the climate and diseases.
Geography is one of the sciences that has contributed most effectively to the formation of these popular beliefs; this is due to its long presence in education and to its traditional popularity. It is responsible for the spreading of ideas and stereotypes concerning the earth, its countries and its peoples.
We must not forget that, as well as the readers and textbooks in schools, geography has been available to the public ever since the Renaissance through widely distributed world geographies and through encyclopedic dictionaries. This long line of publishing, which continues with popular works up to our times, reached its greatest intellectual significance in the era of the encyclopedists during the Enlightenment (115) and the first decades of the 19th century. These could still serve the useful function of systematization, as Madoz's dictionary shows.
Geography has also had a constant association with journeys: preparing them, undertaking them, and using the results. Geography has often been the point of departure and also the goals of these journeys: the former, since it provided the traveler with prior information indispensable for an appreciation of the countries to be visited; and the latter, in that the results, when they had been systematized, could be incorporated as news about a country or a region in a new encyclopedic collection of a geographical nature (chorographies, dictionaries and world geographies). At the same time, however, it was also an indispensable guide during the journey, since it was the chorographic method that provided the methodological framework to guide observations during the trip and, on occasions, in the subsequent systematization.
Within the framework of our research project, journeys are of interest first, with regard to the learning strategies -for geography and for science in general- both in the preparation and during the journey itself; this includes groundwork, previous knowledge, observations during the trip, selection of informants, use of bibliographies and maps, etc. Second, the results, when published, become a vehicle for the spread of ideas and stereotypes, whose impact depends on the success it enjoys. Travelers are undoubtedly influenced by the intellectual climate of their epoch, (ideas from philosophy or aesthetics, religious beliefs, political prejudices), and are supplied to a greater or lesser degree with scientific notions, (about population, resources, climate, terrain, etc.). Thus prepared -and probably also acquainted with essays and travel guides- the travellers produce work which sometimes contributes to scientific knowledge, and almost always to popular stereotypes (of the nature of peoples, the beauty of the landscape, "picturesque" or "romantic" spots, etc.) This was the case with the travelers of the Enlightenment, the ones who undertook the "grand tour" or the "petit tour", which did so much to establish models of conduct for these journeys (116) .
The accounts of these journeys, with all the auxiliary material (guides to staging posts and inns, maps, tourist guides), make up materials that are very useful in understanding the formation of mental images and stereotypes concerning places and peoples. We feel that town guides are of particular importance at the moment since they allow the study of the evolution of opinions about towns and the sites that are deemed worthy of a visit by the traveler, and we can thus analyze images and ideas about towns (117) .
During the 19th century, concomitant with the rise in the standard of living and the educational level of the middle and lower middle classes, traveling became more common; the notion of excursions became more widespread, and these showed varied, but inextricable, facets: scientific, sporting, or simply out of an interest in nature. This social phenomenon, though it had earlier origins, expanded greatly during the 19th century. It served educational, cultural, moral and ideological purposes and, in certain cases, was closely linked with nationalist sentiments and extremism. At the same time, however, hiking, climbing and mountaineering clubs became a factor in the spread of science; in some cases they made outstanding contributions to the inventory and study of the environment, of our heritage, or of the ethnography and folklore in the countries of Europe andAmerica (118) .
In this connection, we are also interested in the spread of scientific
ideas through other means. Literature in particular has on occasion played
an important part, and the work of certain authors, such as Jules Verne,
is especially significant (119) .
Ideology and science
The study of textbooks, encyclopedias, accounts of journeys and trips and also literature is not only interesting from the viewpoint of social history and the spread of scientific ideas. It also holds interest from the viewpoint of ideology, both whether they are pervaded by an ideology and if they contribute to the spread of a "scientific ideology". The long confused debate about ideology has been keenly felt in the history of thought since the turn of this century and in the history of science since the Congress on the History of Science held in London in 1931.
This is a highly relevant topic which is attracting growing attention in international journals and congresses on the history of science (120) . We are especially interested in two important aspects of this: on the one hand, the ideological presuppositions of scientific theories, and on the other, the ideological exploitation of these theories.
Our progress in this area has been achieved through various lines of study.
1 The first looks at the relations between ideology and science in the debates and the proposals concerning territorial organization. We are particularly interested in the use of scientific ideas to justify and support specific proposals for territorial organization, when these are put forward as objective and above discussion, when in fact they reflect the options of social groups or class strategies.
In this respect, the study of the debates over the regional division of Spain in the late 19th and early 20th centuries has demonstrated the use of positivist ideas and organicist conceptions in certain proposals that were made. They also reflect the intense debate of that period between positivists and neoromanticists (121) . If we apply this same focus to later debates, it is not difficult to recognize similar attempts at self-justification, using a methodology and scientific language (natural or functional region, systems theory, and so on) for predetermined social options.
In this same area of research we can set other studies: spatial ideas in Spanish military thought (122) ; the role of mental images, of myths and, in a way, of ideologies in the appropriation of less well organized areas (123) ; and the ideological aspects that may be present in the establishment of connections in a new state through the construction of a railroad network (124) .
2 A second area of study puts special emphasis on the subject of power and the control over space. This is research at the intersection of the history of penological ideas, the ideology of techniques and the evolution of the physical forms of territorial control, from prisons and barracks to the general organization of a city and industrial estates. The growing sophistication and reach of the mechanisms of social control, related to the social transformations since the Enlightenment, are precisely reflected in legislation, in ideological output, in scientific reflection, in technical proposals (for example, machines that flog scientifically), and even in the structure of the buildings (prisons, barracks, etc), which take on a symbolic function, or the whole of a town or a territory (125) .
3 Finally, we are also interested in the ideological content of the scientific theories and debates concerning population. With respect to Spanish America in the 16th century we believe we have demonstrated that certain ideas were influenced not only by intellectual traditions and systems of belief that resulted in prejudices, but also by the strategies adopted by the social groups to which the authors belonged, since these -consciously or unconsciously- sought to defend economic interests, and political or very specific religious positions. These ideas include superiority or inferiority vis-a-vis the indigenous peoples, the origins of the Amerindians, and the demographic catastrophe that the Indians suffered after the conquista (126) . In the following two centuries, Spanish America underwent social changes, especially the strengthening of the Creole groups and the appearance of important emancipation movements towards the end of the 18th century. These reflected a growing self-evaluation of these social groups in a process that would, after independence, find a symbolic culmination in the ideological acceptance of Ameghino's thesis of the American origin of man; one could thus understand the immigration movement as a return to roots (127) .
Throughout the 19th century practically all scientific and general debates on population, as well as the demographic policies carried out in the South American cone, were strongly impregnated with ideology, ranging from the concept of "desert" used for areas occupied by indigenous populations to the justifications of the immigration policy or of the characteristics of the peoples (l28) .
Parallel to this, in Europe during the same period, the concern over
selection of individuals and peoples resulted in the development of eugenics,
a vigorous branch of science to which numerous important contributions
were made. In these it is always fascinating to reveal and to separate
what truly belongs to science and what has been introduced because of the
authors' preiudices (129) .
The histories of the scientific disciplines, including the history of geography, had at first -and to some extent still have- the functions of legitimacy and socialization. In general, these histories have been developed with the disciplines themselves as the point of departure and, in the most developed cases, taking into account the theoretical and methodological issues that they have. With time, however, they have been able to reinforce this historical dimension by gradually evolving towards the history of science, and this conflux has been facilitated by the fact that the latter has also at times turned into a history of the sciences, i.e. a history of the individual disciplines.
There is undoubtedly a dialectical relationship -a toing and froing- between the history of a discipline and its professional practice. It has been said many times that the study of history reflects contemporary issues; one turns to history, above all at moments of crisis, seeking origins, precedents, foundations. Starting from current issues, one approaches the past in order to understand the present better, and this always leads to the definition of new topics and new viewpoints in historical studies.
Nevertheless, the history of a discipline, like the history of science in general, is also an area of history proper; it has a value of its own irrespective of the benefits it brings to the work of scientists today. In geography there is a long tradition of historical studies which has produced works of great value from the viewpoint of the history of science or of social and cultural history. Thus a history of geography is -to paraphrase a well-known saying- more history of geography than history of geography. Even so, in spite of the distance from today's concerns, the effects of these historical studies on current practice is unpredictable; they sometimes have unexpected positive results since, viewed from the past, the present is seen from new angles which can effect current scientific practice.
At all events, however one approaches it, the history of geography can contribute to the formation of a geographical theory which takes into account the origin and the evolution of the concepts that are used; which provides scientific method with a point of comparison; which reveals the ideological load of many postulates and theories; and which promotes an awareness of the degree to which the ideas are socially generated, contrasted and spread within the scientific communities, as well as how they are influenced by general intellectual conceptions, from the religious and political to the aesthetic. In today's changing world, with its rapid and profound restructuring of the fields of knowledge, the history of geography, in the sense of a comparative history of the discipline, can help the young student.
It does so by showing him the changing historical configuration of the branches of science and of the scientific communities, thus preparing him to reject the discipline's blinkers and, if necessary, to "rebel". And this is, of course, a far cry from the purposes of legitimacy and socialization that these histories traditionally served.
Our research program in the history of geography sprang from a given historical situation: in the first half of the 1970's and in the context of the changes that were taking place in Spanish geography and Spanish society. At its inception, we were concerned with various issues, especially the need to explain the conduct of geographers faced with changes which had taken place in geography elsewhere and which were just then reaching Spain. The conduct of certain established geographers -of unquestioned authority in the community- gave us a vivid impression of the degree to which scientific communities are reluctant to change.
Instead of encouraging the exploration of new paths -something which did not entail the renunciation of their own methods and views- they displayed an attitude of rejection which, in some cases, led to behavior that could be labelled psychotic and which, because of its influence on the more junior, generated difficulties for the consideration and, if appropriate, the acceptance of the new ideas. This combined with the difficulties in responding to the problems of the nature and methods specific to geography, and with the anxiety over whether it was legitimate of research -and even teaching- to take over theories from other disciplines. All of this generated the basic questions that set off our research program.
Although there are certain specific aims that we had at the outset (130) and which have continued in the program, the fact is that it has diverged and ramified, leading the researchers -and among them, because of seniority, in particular the present author- in unexpected directions. The issues have linked up and led us from one to the other. Here are some of the routes: first, from contemporary geography to that of the 1 8th century; thence to the different branches of geography at that period, including physical geography; this led to the theories of the physical structure of the earth, to the philosophical currents which had influenced these, including platonism and organicism; from there finally to the influence of religious beliefs on the development of geology. Second, from a concern for the geographical community to other scientific communities, especially to those that studied the earth's space, including the army's engineering corps; and thence to public works and the ordering of space in the 18th century. To conclude, a third route has led from hygiene to medical topographies; from there to the history of environmental ideas; then to the history of environmentalists' explanations of human activity; lastly to the theories that question environmentalism, laying emphasis on specific human characteristics such as race and genetic quality.
Thus, although there are long-term aims, the program has developed in zigzag fashion, with diversions, fluctuations, reorientations; above all, with unexpected ramifications that reveal new issues and force us to introduce new perspectives. With time certain aims -and certain texts already completed- are set aside, possibly to be taken up again in the future. The development of the program among the younger researchers is influenced by what has gone before, but at the same time it influences and reorientates the earlier hypotheses, the methods and the aims. More and more it is turning into a collective and increasingly diversified task, the same as has happened -earlier or at the same time- to other Spanish researchers; the historians of medicine, of physics and of biology have opened new fields and introduced new enriching perspectives (131) .
We are aware that our experience is limited both in some of our lines of research and in suitable techniques; we also recognize the great number of interesting avenues that remain unexplored. We would particularly like to be able to tackle the psychoanalysis of science, or rather of the work of scientists, as well as the history of geographical language. Because of the importance of graphics in geography, this latter would lead into a history of cartography and a history of signs and systems of representation.
As for the temporal lim its to our research, while the beginning is
limited for the time being to the Renaissance and the Scientific Revolution,
the end is only limited by the present moment, and we believe that this
too can be the subject of historical research. As may be gathered from
all we have said so far, we consider this last, given its obvious connections
with the sociology of science and epistemology, as of special interest.
Translated from the Spanish by Norman Coe.
Norman Coe has worked as an English teacher, teacher trainer, materials
writer and translator. He has lived in Spain since 1972, and is currently
writing more materials for learners of English.
(*) GEO CRITICA: English Parallel Series
Geo Critica is an international review of Geography and the Social Sciences; it has been published every two months since 1976 and enjoys a wide circulation in Spain and the American countries with an Iberian cultural tradition -i.e. those which are referred to in the English-speaking world as Latin America.
Spanish is spoken by more than 300 million people, and it is the fourth international language, representing one of the world's most important cultural and scientific traditions. In spite of this, it is not commonly used by English-speaking scientists. This is why we feel it is important to iniciate a parallel series in English so as to spread abroad some of the papers that our review publishes. This is how the English Parallel Series has arisen, and we will publish in it -at first occasionally, depending on our resources -the papers which we consider of great relevance and of general interest. It is our hope that in the future the series will achieve greater regularity and continuity.
We feel it is appropiate to iniciate the series with the translation of a paper which presents an overview of a research programme in the historical of geographical thought and the history of science; this project has been in progress for the last 15 years in the Department of Human Geography of the University of Barcelona.
(1 ) LYELL, Charles: Principles of Geology, or the modern changes of the Earth and its inhabitants considered as ilustrative of Geology London, 1830.
(2) PORTER, Roy: "Charles Lyell and the Principles of the History of Geology", the British Journal for the History of Science, Vol. IX, Part 2, No. 32, July 1976, pp. 91 -1 03.
(3) PORTER, Roy: op. cit. in previous Note; p 97.
(4) GRAHAM, Loren; LEPENIES, Wolf; and WEINGART, Peter, (Eds.): Functions and Uses of Disciplinary Histones, Durdrecht -Boston- Lancaster, D Reidel Publishing Co., 1983; 308 pp.
(5) GENTER, Ulfried: "The uses of history for the shaping of a field: observations on German psychology", in GRAHAM, LEPENIES and WEINGART (Eds.), op. cit. (Note 4), p. 192.
(6) See, for example, CAPEL, H.: Geografíá yMatemábcas, op. cit. in Note 66, Chap. Xl.
(7) URTEAGA, Luis: "Descubrimientos, exploraciones e historia de la geografía",GeoCrítica, University of Barcelona, No. 71, September 1987, 37 pp.
(8) MALTE BRUN: Géographie universelle, edited by V. A. Malte Brun, Jr, Vol. I, undated, p. 9.
(9) BECK, Hanno: Carl Ritter, genio de la geografíá. Sobre su vida y obra, Bonn - Bad Godesberg, Inter Nationes, 1979, p. 1 14.
(10) SAINT MARTIN, Vivien de: Historia de la Geografía y de los descubrimientos geográficos, Escrita por... Presidente honorario de la Sociedad Geografica de Paris... Traducida y anotada por Manuel Sales y Ferré, Catedrático de Geografía Histórica en la Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla, Administración de la Biblioteca Literaria y Madrid, Libreria de D. Victoriano Suárez, 1878, Vol. Il, p. 508.
(11) HUMBOLDT, Alexander von: Kosmos, Entwurf einerphysischen Weltbeschreibung, Stuttgart, Cotta, 1845-1862; 5 Vols. Trad. castellana, Cosmos, Ensayo de una descripción fisica del mundo, vertido al castellano por Bernardo Giner y José de Fuentes, Madrid, Imprenta de Gaspar y Roig, 1874-1875, 4 Vols. A brief summary ot certain basic ideas from these works is in "El Cosmos de Humboldt", introduced by M. A. Miranda, Geo Críbca, University of Barcelona, No. 11, September 1977, 49 pp.
(12) All of this has already appeared in, for example KRETSCHMER, Konrad: Histona de la Geografía, Traducción de la segunda edición alemana por L. Martín Echevarria, Barcelona, Labor,1926, 200 pp.
(13) Some recent histories of cartography are: BAGROW, L and SKELTON, R.S.: Historyof CartographK London, Watts and Co.,1964.
THROWER, J.W.: Maps and Man;an Examination of Cartography in relation
to Culture and Civilization, Englewood Cliffs, Prentice Hall, 1972,184
BROWN, Lloyd: The story of maps, New York, Dover Publications Inc.,1949; new edition,1979, 397 pp.
WILFORD, John Noble: The Mapmaker The Story of the Great Pioneers in Cartography from Anbiquity to the Space Age, New York, Vintage Books-Random House, 1982, 414 pp.
(14) Among the histories of discoveries we may refer to:
BAKER, J. N. L.: A History of Geographical Discovery, London, 1937; French translation Histoire des découvertes géographiques et des explorahons, Edition revisé, Paris, Payot, 455 pp.;
HERMANN, Paul: Histona de los descubnmientos geográficos, (firstGerman edition, 1952), Barcelona, Labor,1955-1966, 3 Vols.;
PARIAS, L. H. (Director): Historia Universal de las Exploraciones, Trad. cast., Madrid, Espasa-Calpe,1967-1969, 4 Vols.
(15) HETTNER, Alfred: Die Geographie, ihre Geschichte. ihr Wesen und
ihre Methoden, Breslau, F. Hirt,1927.
The translation of one chapter of this work, with a general introduction on Hettner and German geography in his time, has been produced by Gerardo Nahm in: HETTNER, Alfred: "La naturaleza y los cometidos de la Geografía", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 70, July 1987, 82 pp.
(16) HARTSHORNE, Richard: The Nature of Geography A Cribcal Survey of Current Thought in the Light of the Past, Lancaster, Penn, Association of American Geographers.
(17) CLOZIER: Histoire de la Géographie, Paris, P.U.F. (Collection "Que sais-je?"), 4th ed.,1967.
(18) LELEWEL, Joachim: Géographie du Moyen Age, Brussels, 1852-57;
reprinted Amsterdam, Meridian Publishing, 1966, 3 Vols.
WARMINGTON, E. H.: Greek Geography, London and Toronto, Dent and Sons, 1934.
THOMSON, J. O.: History of Ancient Geography, New York, Biblo and Tanen, reprinted 1965.
AUJAC, G.: La géographie dans le monde anbque, Paris, P U F (Collection " Que sais- je?"), No.1598,1975.
(19) KIMBLE, G. H. T.: Geography in the Middle Ages, New York, Russell and Russell, reprinted 1968.
(20) BROC, Numa: La Géographie de la Renaissance (1420-1620),
Paris, Biblioteque Nationale,1980, 258 pp.
DAINVILLE: La Géographie des Humanistes, Paris, Beauchesne,1940.
BUETTNER, Manfred: Wandlungen in geographischen Denken von Anstoteles bis Kant, Paderborn - Munich - Vienna, Ferdinand Schuningh, 1979, 276 pp.
BROC, Numa: La Géographie des Philosophes. Géographes et voyageurs français au XVIIIe siècle, Paris, Ophrys,1975.
BUETTNER, Manfred: Karl Ritter. Zur europáisch-amenkanischen Geographiean der Wendevom 18zum 19Jahrhundert, Paderborn-Munich-Vienna, Ferdinand Schùningh,1980, 256 pp.
(21) FREEMAN, T. W.: A Hundred Years of Geography, London, Gerald Duckworth,
1961, 336 pp.
STODDART, David R.: On Geography, Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1985, 336 pp.
BERDOULAY, Vincent: La Formabon de l'&EACUTE;cole Française de Géographie (1870-1914), Paris, Bibliotèque Nationale, 1981, 246 pp.
TAYLOR, Griffith: Geography in the Twentieth Century. A Study of Growth, Fields, Techniques, Aims and Trends, New York and London, Philosophical Library and Methuen,1951.
FREEMAN, T.W.: A History of Modem Bnbsh Geography, London and New York, Longman,1980, 258 pp.
STEEL, Robert W.: Bribsh Geography 1815-1945, Cambridge University Press, 1987,189 pp.
BROWN, E. H. (ed.): GeographY yesterday and tomorrow, Oxford University Press for Royal
Geographical Society, 1980,302 pp; translated into Spanish as Geografía, pasado y futuro, Mexico, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1985, 424 pp.
MEYNIER, André: Histoire de la pensée géographique en France (1872- 1969), Paris, P.U.F., 1969, 224 pp.
CLAVAL, Paul: Essai sur l'évolubon de la Géographie humaine, 1964; translated into Spanish as Evolución de la Geografía humana, Barcelona, Oikos Tau, 240 pp.
(22) DICKINSON, R.E.: The Makers of Modem Geography, London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1968, 305 pp.
(23) FREEMAN, T.W. and PINCHEMEL, Philippe: Geographers Biobibliographical Studies, London, Mansell,1977-, 11 Vols.
(24) BUTTIMER, Anne: The Pracbce of Geography, London -New York, Longman,1983, 298 pp.
(25) WRIGHT, John K.: "A Plea for the History of Geography", Isis, Vol,
8, 1926, pp. 477-491; reprinted in:
WRIGHT, J. K.: Human Nature in Geography, Cambridge Mass.,1966, pp.11 -23.
GLACKEN, Clarence: Traces on the Rhodian Shore. Nature and Culture in Westem Thought from Ancient Times to the End of the eighteenth Century, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press,1967, 760 pp.
BROC,Numa:Les montagnes vues par les géographes et les naturalistes en langue francaise au XVIIIe siècle, Paris, Bibliotèque Nationale,1969.
DICKINSON, R.E.: Regional Concept. The Anglo-American leaders, Routledge and Kegan Paul,1976, 408 pp.
STODDART, D. R. (ed.): Geography, Ideology and Social Concem, Oxford, Basil Blackwell,1981, 250 pp.
(26) BECK, Hanno: Geographie; Europaische Entwicklung in Texten und
Erlauterungen, Freiburg - Munich, Verlag Karl Albert,1973, 510 pp.
PINCHEMEL, P., ROBIC, M. C., and TISSIER, J.L.: Deux siècles de Géographie francaise. Choix de textes, Paris, Comite de Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, 1984, 380 pp.
(27) KISH, George: A Source Book in Geography, Harvard University Press,1978, 453 PP.
(28) JOHNSTON, R. J.: Geography and Geographers, Anglo-American Human Geographysince 1945, London, Arnold,1979.
(29) HARVEY, Milton E., and HOLLY, Brian P.: Themes in Geographical
Thought, London, Croom Helm, 1981, 222 pp.
HOLT-JENSEN, Arild: Geography, its History and Concepts, London, Harper and Row, 1980.
(30) BECK; op. cit. in Note 26.
(31 ) JAMES, Preston: All Possible Worlds. A History of Geographical Ideas, New York, Odyssey Press, 1972.
(32) A panorama of progress in the history and philosophy of geography can be seen though the sections devoted to these topics in the major geographical journals, e.g. Progress in Human Geoqraphy.
(33) VILA VALENTI, Juan: "Origen y significado de la Sociedad Geográfica
de Madrid", Revista de Geografía, University of Barcelona, Vol.
Xl, Nos. 1-2, 1977, pp 5-21.
HERNANDEZ SANDOICA, Elena: Pensamiento burgués y problemas coloniales en la España de la Restauración 1875-1887, Tesis Doctoral, Universidad Complutense, 1982, 2 ºvols.
(34) BOSQUE MAUREL, Joaquín: "Los estudios de Historia de la Geogratia en España", Anales de Geografía de la Universidad Computense, Madrid, No. 4,1984, pp 229-245. Although the bibliography included in this article is not exhaustive, it is sufficiently comprehensive and representative for our purposes.
(35) BOSQUE MAUREL, J.: op. cit. in previous Note, p. 231.
(36) ALONSO BAQUER, Miguel: Aportación militar a la cartografía espanola en la historia contemporánea, Madrid, C.S.I.C.,1972, 364 pp.
(37) Professor Amando Melón wrote numerous papers on the first of these topics and on others in the history of Spanish geography, many of which were reproduced in the volume in his honor by Estudios Geográficos, Madrid, Vol. 38,1977, 944 pp. An exemplary study of the history of an essential concept in Iberian geography is: SOLE SABARIS, Luis: "Sobre el concepto de meseta española y su descubrimiento", in Homenaje al Prof. Amando Melón, Zaragoza, C.S.I.C.,1966, pp 15-45.
(38) VILA VALENTI, Juan: Introducción al estudio teónco
de la geografia, Barcelona, Ariel,1983, Vol.1, especially Chapters 2 and
VILA VALENTI, Juan: "Veinticinco Siglos de Geografía", Revista de Geografía, Catholic University of Chile, Santiago de Chile, No. 9,1982, pp 3-10.
VILA VALENTI, Juan: "Visión tradicional y reciente de la Península Ibérica", in Scntti geografice in onore di Ricardo Ricardi, Roma, Italian Geographical Society, Vol. ll, pp. 973-986.
See also VILA VALENTI, Juan: op. cit. in Note 33.
BOSQUE MAUREL, Joaquín: op. cit. en Note 34.
GRAU, Ramón: "Sobre la base filosófica del método regional en Vidal de la Blache", en V Coloquio de Geografía, Granada, 1977, pp. 297-301.
GRAU, Ramón and SALA, Maria: "La geomorfología en sus tratados y manuales. Un esquema histórico de la disciplina", Revista de Geografía, University of Barcelona, Vols. XVI-XVI1,1982-83, pp.175-192.
(39) VILA VALENTI, Juan: "El cami de Pau Vila cap a la geografía",
Revista de Geografía, University of Barcelona, Vol. XV,1981, pp
LLUCH, Enric: "La ciencia geogràfica", in Un segle de vida catalana 1814-1930, Barcelona, Alcides, 1961, 2 vols.
GRAU, Ramdn: "lldefonso Cerdá y la geografia catalana", Revista de Geografía, University of Barcelona, Vol. XIV,1980, pp. 75-89.
(40) GOMEZ, J., MUNOZ, J., and ORTEGA, N.: El pensamiento geográfico. Estudio interpretativo y antología de textos (de Humboldt a las tendencias radicales), Madrid, Alianza Editorial,1982, 530 pp.
(41) CAPEL, Horacio: "La Geografía española tras la guerra
civil", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, January 1976, 36 pp.
CAPEL, Horacio: "La Geografía española actual", in: LOPEZ PI&NTILDE;ERO, J.M.: La ciencia española, Madrid, Espasa Calpe (in press).
(42) The first number of the Revista de Geografía of the University
of Barcelona appea red in 1967. Certain articles on urban geography were
later published in: CAPEL, Horacio: Estudios sobre el sistema urbano, University
of Barcelona,1974, 2nd ed.1982, 204 pp.
Other articles from this period are:
VILA VALENTI, Juan: "¿Una nueva geografía?", Revista de Geografía, University of Barcelona, Vol. 5,1971, pp. 5-38, and Vol. Vl1,1973, pp 5-57.
CAPEL, Horacio: "Percepción del medio y comportamiento geográfico", Revista de Geografía, University of Barcelona, Vol. Vl1,1973, pp 58-150.
(43) SHAEFFER, Fred K: Excepcionalismo en Geografía, Introduction
and translation by Horacio Capel, University of Barcelona Publications,
1971, (1st ed. 1953). There have been 5 subsequent editions: 1974,1977,
1980,1986 and 1988. An appreciation of the significance of this text can
be found in the introduction to the work:CAPEL, Horacio: Shaeffer y la
nueva geografía, pp. 7-25.
The collection "Pensamiento y Metodo geográficos" (Geographical Thought and Method) intended to publish "works on the methodology and epistemology of geography, with special attention on work (a) on schools of geography that are as yet little known in Spain or (b) that adds to the Spanish bibliography the most up-to-date research in the science. It will also publish outstanding studies on the history of geographical thought."
(44) That issue stated: "The current situation of geography in Spain
makes it necessary to initiate a systematic criticism of the prevailing
conceptions and of the individual studies that are produced. Geo-Crítica
intends to contribute to this task. The title of the series is to be understoon
as criticism of and from geography: criticism of geography, that is to
say of the prevailing theoretical conceptions and the underlying ideologies;
criticism from geography in that it makes a conscious attempt to use geography
as a critical tool in dealing with the social reality around us."
Some evaluations of Geo Crítica and of its significance in Spanish geography can be found in the following studies:
BOSQUE MAUREL, Joaquin: "Presencia y significado de la revista Geo Crítica de la Universidad de Barcelona" in: GARCIA BALLESTEROS, A. (Coordinator): Geografía y marxismo, Complutense University Press, Madrid, 1986, pp. 197-221.
GONZALEZ POLLEDO, L. A.: "La revista 'Geo Critica' o la renovación de la geogra fía española", Contextos, University of León, Vol. Il, No. 4, 1984, pp. 161-173.
BROC, Numa: "L'Histoire de la Géographie a l'Université de Barcelone", Annales de Géographie, Paris, No. 530, 1986, pp. 488-493.
(45) Perhaps the first use of Kuhn's ideas in geography was that of
R. Chorley and P. Haggett; in Chapter 1 of an important work, they argued
that it was possible and necessary to accept a new geographical paradigm
based on models.
CHORLEY. Richard R. and HAGGETT, Peter: Models in Geography, London, Methuen, 1967; partially translated into Spanish as La geografía y los modelos socioeconómicos, Madrid, I.E.A.L., 1971; (Chapter 1: "Modelos, paradigmas y nueva geografía).
(46) BURTON, lan: "The quantitative revolution and theoretical geography:,
Canadian Geographer, Toronto, Vol. 7, No. 4,1963, reproduced in:
DAVIES, W.K.D.: The Conceptual Revolution in Geography, University of London Press, 1972, pp. 140-156. Burton's article, published the following year of "The structure of scientific revolutions", does not refer to this work or to Kuhn, though he cites a number of philosophers and epistemologists, which shows that the ideas about revolutionary changes were in fact in the air.
(47) On the use of paradigms in geography, see:
STODDART, David R.: "El concepto paradigma y la historia de la geografía", Geo crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 40, July 1982, pp. 5-19.
(48) A particularly influential work was:
LAKATOS, Imre, and MUNSGRAVE, A.: Cnbcism and the Growth of Knowledge, Cambridge University Press, 1970; translated into Spanish as La críbca y el desarrollo del conocimiento, Barcelona, Grijalbo,1975.
Javier Muguerza's extensive and well documented introduction to the Spanish edition of this work presents an excellent overview of the state of the art.
I would also like to record here the impact of another book:
ADORNO, T., POPPER, K, et al.: La disputa del positivismo en la fllosofía alemana (translated into Spanish by Jacobo Muñoz), Barcelona, Grijalbo,1972, 326 pp.
(49) BACHELARD, Gaston: La formation de l'esprit scienbfique. Contnbution
à une psychoanalyse de la connaissance objective, Paris, Vrin, 1938.
Spanish translation by José Babini La formación del espíntu
científico. Contribución a un psicoanálisis del conocimiento
científico, Buenos Aires, Siglo XXI, 2 ed.,1972, 302 pp.
FOUCAULT, Michel: Les mots et les choses; Une archéologie des sciences humaines, Paris, Gallimard,1966; Spanish translation Las palabras y las cosas, Mexico, Siglo XXI. (50)
(50) CASSIRER, Ernst: El problema del conocimiento en la filosofía
y en la ciencia modernas, Spanish translation, Mexico, Fondo de Cultura
Economica, 1953, 3rd reprint 1979, 4 Vols.
WRIGHT, Georg Henrik von: Explanation and Understanding, Ithaca N.Y., Cornell University Press, 1971; translated into Spanish as Explicación y comprensión, Madrid, Alianza Editorial,1979,198 pp.
(51) Shaeffer was a friend and colleague of Gustav Bergman, with whom he discussed certain aspects of his work. Owing to the premature death of the author, the galleys of Excepbonalism in Geography were corrected by the German philosopher, who was then a Professor at the University of lowa.
(52) CAPEL, Horacio: Filosofía y ciencia en la Geografía
contemporánea, Barcelona, Barcanova,1981, 510 pp.
CAPEL, Horacio: "Sobre clasificaciones, paradigmas y cambios conceptuales en Geografía. Reflexiones introductorias a la ponencia de Pensamiento Geográfico", in Actas del Coloquio lbénco deGeografía (Lisbon,13-17 0ctober1980), University of Lisbon, 1983, Vol. II, pp.133-151; also published in El Basilisco, Oviedo, No.11,1981, pp.4-12. CAPEL, Horacio: Filosofia e Scienza nella Geografia contemporanea, Milan, Unicopli,1987, 282 pp.
GRAU, Ramon and LOPEZ, Marina: "Para un esquema histórico del pensamiento geográfico", paper at the Second Iberian Congress on Geography (Lisbon 13-17 October 1980); published in Revista de Geografía, University of Barcelona, Vol. XVI11,1984, pp.19-29.
(53) CAPEL, H.: "Positivismo y antipositivismo en la ciencia geográfica. El ejemplo de la geomorfologia", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No.43, January 1983,56 pp.
(54) CAPEL, H.: "El pensamiento y la obra cientifica del profesor Joaquin
Bosque Maurel", introduction to the new edition of Maurel's Geografíá
urbana de Granada, Granada,1988, XXXIV pp.
CAPEL, H.: "Bernard Kayser et la géographie francaise", in Hommage Prof. Bernard Kayser, University of Toulouse, Le Mirail, (in press.)
(55) KUHN, Tomas F.: The Structure of Scienbfic Revolutions, University of Chicago Press; translated into Spanish by Agustin Contin as La estructura de las revoluciones científicas, Mexico, Fondo de Cultura Económica,1971, 257 pp.
(56) TAYLOR, Peter: "El debate cuantitativo en la geografía británica", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No.10 August 1977, 24 pp.
(57) VARENIUS, Bernhardus: Geografía General en la que se explican propiedades generales de la Tierra, translated from the Latin by José Maria Requejo, with an introductory essay by Horacio Capel, University of Barcelona Publications,1974, 148 pp.
(58) CAPEL, Horacio: "La personalidad geográfica de Varenio", introduction to op. cit. Note 57, pp. 9-84.
(59) During these years we have published texts by Manuel de Aguirre, José Cornide, Andrés González de Barcia, Gabriel Cramer, A. Kircher, A. Hettner, Emilio Huguet del Villar (previously unpublished), among others. See Notes 15, 67, 80, 84, 86 and 88.
(60) TAYLOR, Peter: op. cit. in note 56.
(61) CAPEL, Horacio: "Institucionalizacion de la Geografía y
estrategias de la comunidad científica de los geógrafos",
Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, Nos. 8 and 9, 1977, 31 and
This paper was presented by the author at the International Congress on the History of Science, Edinburgh, August 1976.
CAPEL, Horacio: "Institutionalization of Geography and strategies of change", in STODDART, David (ed.): Geography, Ideology and Social Concem, Cambridge, 1981, pp 37-69.
(62) CAPEL, Horacio, and URTEAGA, Luis: Las nuevas geografías, Madrid, Salvat, 1982, 60 pp.
(63) CAPEL, Horacio: "Valor didáctico de la Historia de la Geografía", paper in Simposium La Historia de las ciencias y la ensenanza, Valencia, Universidad Literaria de Valencia, 1980, pp. 115-121.
(64) CAPEL, Horacio: "España, America y la historia de la ciencia.
Sugerencias para un debate", Expoforum 92, Seville, 1987, pp. 81-91.
CAPEL, Horacio: "Sobre ciencia hispana, ciencia criolla y otras ciencias europeas (A manera de síntesis del coloquio)", Madrid, Asclepio, Vol. XXXIV, No. 2, 1987, pp. 317-336.
CAPEL, Horacio: "El desafio de America a la ciencia", Revista Universitaria, Catholic Universitv of Chile. Santiago de Chile. No. 27. 1989. pp 29-38.
(65) As is shown by the interest of Newton (who, as Professor of Mathematics, also was interested in geography) for the work of Varenius; in 1672 he published an annotated and revised edition of the work. See CAPEL, Horacio: op. cit. in Note 58.
(66) CAPEL, Horacio: "La Geografía como ciencia matemática
mixta. La aportacion del circulo jesuítico madrileño en el
siglo XVII", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, November 1980,
35 pp. CAPEL, Horacio: "Geografos españoles en los Paises Bajos
a fines del siglo XVII", Revista de Geografía, University of Barcelona,
No. 2,1981, pp. 7-34.
CAPEL, Horacio: Geografía y Matemábcas en la España del siglo XVIII, Barcelona, Oikos-Tau,1982, 389 pp.
CAPEL, Horacio: "La Geografía en los exámenes públicos y el proceso de diferenciación entre Geografía y Matemáticas en la enseñanza durante el siglo XVIII", Areas. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, Murcia, l,1981, pp 89-112.
CAPEL, Horacio: "Los programas científicos: Geografia y Cartografía" in PESET, J.L., SELLES, A., LAFUENTE, A. (eds.): Carlos lll y la ciencia espanola de la ilustración, Madrid, Alianza Editorial,1988, pp. 99-126.
CAPEL, Horacio: "Isidoro de Antillón", Boletín Informativo Fundación Juan March, Madrid, No.166, pp. 3-18.
COLL, Núria: "La geografia de la Revolucion Francesa y su influencia en España. Antillón y la obra de Mentelle", V Congreso de la Sociedad de Historia de las Ciencias y de las Técnicas, Murcia 1 8-22 de diciembre de 1989 (in press).
(67) AGUIRRE, Manuel de: Indagaciones y reflexiones sobre la Geografía con algunas noticias previas indispensables (1782), edición y estudio introductorio por H. Capel, Barcelona, University of Barcelona Publications (Collection Pensamiento y Método Geográficos, No 4) 1981, 78 + XVIII + 338 pp. Introductory study by Horacio CAPEL: "Manuel de Aguirre y la nueva geografia española del siglo XVIII", pp. 9-78.
(68) CAPEL, Horacio: op. cit. in Note 66.
CAPEL, Horacio: Cartographie belge dans les collechons espagnoles, XVI au XVII siècles, under the scientific direction of C. Lemoine-lsabeau, Brussels, Europalia 85, España, M. Royal de l'Armee,1985, 112 pp.
NADAL, F.: "La formación de la carta geotopografica de Valcourt y los trabajos geográficos de la Comisión de Estadistica y division del Territorio de Cuba, 1821 -1868", en PESET, J. L. (Ed.): Ciencia, wda y espacio en Iberoamérica, op. cit. in Note 131, vol. lll, pp. 329-356.
NADAL, Francesc, and URTEAGA, Luis: "L'édition de la carte d'Espagne (18751968)", paper at XVlllth InteMabonal Congress of History of Science, 1 -9 August 1989, Hamburg - Munich, (in press).
TATJER, Mercedes: "La contribución territorial urbana 1716-1906" in SEGURA, A. (Ed.): El Catastro en Espana, Madrid, Centro de Gestión Catastral del Ministerio de Hacienda,1988, Vol. l.
TATJER, Mercedes: "La contribución territorial urbana 1906-1982" in SEGURA, A. (Ed.): El Catastro en Espana desde el siglo XIX a la actualidad, Madrid, Centro de Gestion Catastral del Ministerio de Hacienda,1989, Vol.II.
(69) GONZALEZ DE BARCIA, Andrés: Epítome de la Biblioteca Oriental y Occidental, Náubca y Geográfica de Antonio de León Pinelo, (1737). Edited and with an introductory study by Horacio CAPEL, Barcelona, University of Barcelona Publications,1982,2 Vols.; Introduction ("El Epitome de León Pinelo v la Continuidad de la ciencia geográfica española en el siglo XVIII"), pp. I-XLI
(70) URTEAGA, Luis: "Miseria, miasmas y microbios. Las topografías médicas y elestudio del medio ambiente", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 29, November 1980, 28 pp.
(71 ) The general background of this research appears in:
CAPEL, Horacio: "Factores sociales y desarrollo de la ciencia. El papel de lascomunidades cientificas", Conferencia en el V Congreso de la Sociedad Espanola de Historia de las Ciencias y las Técnicas, Murcia 18-21 dediciembrede 1989 (in press). On this see also:
CAPEL, Horacio: op. cit. in Note 61.
CAPEL, Horacio: op. cit. in Note 52, Chapters lll to IX.
SANCHEZ, Francisca: "El acceso al profesorado en la geografí,a española (1940-1979)", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 32, March 1981, pp. 5-52.
(72) CAPEL, H., GARCIA, L., MONCADA, J.O., OLIVE, F., QUESADA, S., RODRIGUEZ, A., SANCHEZ, J.E. and TELLO, R.: Los Ingenieros Militares en España, siglo XVIII. Repertono biográfico e inventano de su labor científica y espacial, University of Barcelona Publications, (Geo Crítica, Textos de Apoyo, No.1),1983, 495 pp.
(73) SANCHEZ, Joan Eugeni: "La estructura institucional de una corporacion
cientifica: el Cuerpo de Ingenieros Militares en el siglo XVIII", en PESET,
J. L. (Ed.): Ciencia, vida y espacio en Iberoamérica, op. cit in
Note 131, vol. ll, pp. 3-20.
CAPEL, Horacio: "Cursos manuscritos y textos impresos en la enseñanza cientifica de los ingenieros militares", paper at the Coloquio Ciencias y Técnicas en la America Española del siglo XVIII, Asclepio, Revista Histona de la Medicina y de ía Ciencia, Madrid, XXXIX, 2, 1987, pp 161 -169.
CAPEL, Horacio, SANCHEZ, Joan E., and MONCADA, Omar: De Palas a Minerva. La formación cientifica y la estructura institucional de los ingenieros militares en el sigío XVIII, Barcelona, Ediciones del Serval,1988, 390 pp.
CAPEL, Horacio: "Las Academias de ingenieros", in SELLES, R., PESET, J.L., LAFUENTE, A. (eds.): La ciencia espanola en el reinado de Carlos lll, Madrid, Alianza,1988, pp.187-204
(74) SANCHEZ, Joan Eugeni: "Los ingenieros militares y las obras públicas
en el siglo XVIII", in Conferencias sobre Historia de la ingeniería
de obras públicas en España, Madrid, CEHOPU, Ministerio de
Obras Públicas y Urbanismo,1987 pàgs. 43-78. CAPEL, Horacio:
"Remediar con el arte los defectos de la naturaleza. La capacitación
tecnica del Cuerpo de Ingenieros Militares y su intervención en
Obras Públicas", paper for Anbguas obras hidráulicas en América
(organized by the Ministry of Public Works and the National Autonomous
University of Mexico, May 1988), Madrid, CEHOPU (in press).
An art historian, Juan Miguel Muñoz Corbalan, is at the moment completing his doctoral thesis, co- supervised by H. Capel and R. Triadu, on the constructions of the military engineers during the reign of Felipe V.
Related to this he has already produced certain studies:
MUÑOZ CORBALAN, Juan Miguel: "El ejército como via de transmisión de modelos "flamencos" en el siglo XVIII", in Actas del VI Congreso Español de Historia del Arte (Santiago de Compostela, junio de 1986) Universidad de Santiago de Compostela,1989, pp. 369-380.
MUÑOZ CORBALAN Juan Miquel:"Reformas hidraúlicas en el rio Ter (1715-1746). lnterés estatal por la conservación de las fortificaciones de Gerona", Congreso de Historia del Arte, Murcia, October 1988, (in press).
MUÑOZ CORBALAN, Juan Miguel: "Las Atarazanas de Barcelona. Proyecto de reestructuración del sistema cuartelario urbano bajo el reinado de Carlos lll", Actes del Segon Congress d'Histùria ModeMa a Catalunya, Barcelona, December 1988, Pedralbes. Revista d'Història Moderna, Universidad de Barcelona, vol. Vlll, 8-2,1989, pp.133-149.
MUÑOZ CORBALAN, Juan Miguel: "Sanidad, higiene y arquitectura en el siglo XVIII. Los ingenieros militares: un eslabon en la política sanitaria y hospitalaria borbónica", Congreso sobre Medicina y Sociedad, Menorca,1989 (in press).
MUÑOZ CORBALAN, Juan Miguel: "I plastici e la difesa del territorio spagnolo del tempo di Carlo III. Fallimento e mancata assimilazione del modello francese" en Atti dei Colloqui Intenazzionali "Castelli e Cittá Fortificate". Storia - Recupero Valorizazione, Palmanova - Gradisca d'lsonzo, july 1989), (in press). MUÑOZ CORBALAN, Juan Miguel: "La maqueta de Cádiz (1777-1779)", en Actas de las JoMadas sobre ingenieríá militar y la Cultura artísbca espanola, (Cádiz 13-15 de noviembre de 1989), Cadiz, UNED- Fundacion Rafael Alberti (in press).
(75) MURO, lgnacio: op. cit. in Note 122.
NADAL, Francisco: "Ingenieros militares, geógrafos y rebeldes en la organización territorial de Cuba (1824-1895)", Estudios de Historia Social, Madrid, 1988.
(76) SUAREZ DE VIVERO, Juan Luis: "El espacio marítimo en la geografía humana", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 20, March 1 979, pp 5-30.
(77) CASALS, Vicente: "Defensa y ordenación del bosque en España.
Ciencia, Naturaleza y Sociedad en la obra de los ingenieros de montes durante
el siglo XIX", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 73,1988,
CASALS, Vicente: "Montes e ingenieros en Ultramar. Las ideas sobre la protección del bosque en Cuba y Filipinas durante el siglo XlX",en PESET~ J. L. (Ed.): Ciencia, vida y espacio en Iberoaménca, op. cit. en nota 131, vol. lll, pp. 357-388.
(78) CARTAÑA, Jordi: "Respiración vegetal y fotosíntesis
en la enseñanza de la agronomia española durante el siglo
XIX", V Congreso de ía Sociedad Española de Historia de las
Ciencias y las Técnicas, Murcia 18-21 de diciembre de 1989 (in press).
Jordi CARTAÑA is at this moment working on his doctoral thesis on the teaching of agronomy in Spain and the activity of the agricultural engineers.
(79) Jordi VILLALANTE is at the moment working on civil engineers (highways, canals and harbors).
(80) MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: Emilio Huguet del Villar, 1871-1951. Cinquenta
años de lucha por la ciencia, University of Barcelona Publications
(Collection Pensamiento y Método Geográficos, No. 5),1984,
MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: "El estado actual de la Edafología, un trabajo inédito de Huguet de Villar", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 45, June 1983, pp 5-39.
HUGUET DEL VILLAR, Emilio: Geo-edafología. Método Universal de Tipoíogía de los Suelos como base de su cartografíá harmónica, edited and introduced by Jordi MARTI HENNEBERG, University of Barcelona, Collection Geo Critica Textos de Apoyo, No. 2),1983, 308 pp.
MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: "El Primer Mapa de Suelos de la Península Luso- lbérica", Mundo Científico, Barcelona, No. 33, february 1989.
MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: "La personalitat científica d'Emili Huguet del Villar:, Butlletí de l'lnstitut Català d'Història Natural, Barcelona, L,1985, pp. 39- 45.
MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: "Huguet del Villar", Geographers Bio-Bibliographers Studies, Oxford, IX,1985, pp 55-60.
At the present time Pere Martí Sunyer is preparing his doctoral thesis on the history of Spanish soil science (1750-1950).
(81) BOUZA, Jerónimo: "Una interpretación del proceso de institucionalización de las ciencias sociales: La antropología y el modelo francés", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 74, march 1988, pp 5-60.
(82) CAPEL, Horacio: Geografíá humana y ciencias sociales. una perspectiva histórica, Barcelona, Montesinos, 1987, 138 pp.
(83) CAPEL, Horacio: "Organicismo, fuego interior y terremotos en la ciencia española del siglo XVIII", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, Nos. 27-28, 1980, 95 pp.
(84) SIERRA, Eduardo: "El Geocosmos de Kircher. Una cosmovisión
científica del siglo XVII", translated from the Latin and with an
introductory study, Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, Nos. 33-4,
May-June 1981, pp 5-82.
SIERRA, Eduardo: Las ideas sobre la Tierra en Atanasio Kircher (1602-1680). Precedentes e influencias, Doctoral Thesis, University of Barcelona, December 1984, one volume text plus two volumes appendixes (translation of El Mundo Subterráneo from A. Kircher).
(85) CAPEL, Horacio: "Ideas sobre la Tierra en el siglo XVIII", Mundo
Científico, Barcelona, No. 22,1982, pp 118-154.
CAPEL, Horacio: La Física Sagrada. Creencias religiosas y teoríás científicas en los orígenes de la geomorfologíá espanola, Barcelona, Ediciones Serbal y CSIC,1985,224 pp. CAPEL, Horacio: "Religious beliefs, philosophy and scientific theory in the origins of Spanish Geomorphology, XVII-XVIII centuries", Organon, Polish Academy of Science, Warsaw, No.20-21,1985, pp. 219-229.
(86) CAPEL, Horacio: "Gabriel Cramer y la ciencia ginebrina del siglo XVIII", introduction to "La Teoria física de la Tierra. Una tesis en la Ginebra del siglo XVIII", translated from the Latin by Virgilio Bejarano, Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No.39,1982, pp 517.
(87) CAPEL, Horacio: "Naturaleza y cultura en los orígenes de
la geología" in LA FUENTE, A. and SALDA&NTILDE;A, J.J.(eds.):
Historia de la ciencia, Madrid, CSlC, 1987, pp167-193.
CAPEL, Horacio (Coordinator): Naturalesa i cultura en el pensament espanyol, Barcelona,1987, 143 pp.
(88) CAPEL, Horacio, and URTEAGA, Luis: José Cómide y su descripción de España, University of Barcelona Publications (Collection Pensamiento y Método Geográficos, No. 6), 1983,141 pp.
(89) CAPEL, Horacio: "La estructura física de la Tierra segun los textos de geografía", en CAPEL, Horacio, et al: Ciencia para la burgues ía, op. cit. en Note 106, pp.171 -208.
(90) MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: "Sorpresa, admiración y polémica
en torno a los glaciares", Mundo científico, Barcelona, No. 69,1987,
MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: "Los Andes. Investigación científica y regeneración patriótica", en PESET,J.L.(Ed.): Ciencia, vida y espacio en Iberoamérica ,op.cit.en nota 131, vol. lll, pp.127-141.
MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: "La difusión de la Glaciologia en España (1849-1917)", LIuII. Revista de la Sociedad Espanola de Historia de las Ciencias y de las Técnicas, Zaragoza, Vol 11, No. 21 , 1988,pp 235-246.
See also MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: op. cit. in Note 118.
(91) URTEAGA, Luis: Las ideas sobre la conservación de la naturaleza en el pensamiento ilustrado, summary of his doctoral thesis, University of Barcelona, 1984, 50 pp. URTEAGA, Luis: La tierra esquilmada. Las ideas sobre la conservación de la naturaleza en la cultura española del siglo XVIII, Barcelona, Ediciones del Serbal, 1987~222pp. URTEAGA, Luis: "Explotación y conservación de la naturaleza en el pensamiento ilustrado", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, Geo crítica, No.50, 1987, pp.7-40. URTEAGA, Luis: "La conservació de la naturalesa en el pensament il.lustrat", in H. CAPEL (Ed.): Naturalesa i cultura en el pensament espanyol, Barcelona, Fundació Caixa de Pensions, 1987, pp. 95-108.
(92) CASALS, Vicente: "Defensa y ordenación del bosque en España),
op. cit. in Note 77.
CASALS, Vicente: "Montes e ingenieros en ultramar", op. cit. in Note 77.
SOLE, Jordi and BRETON, V.: "El Paraiso poseido. La politica española de parques naturales (1880-1935)", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 63,1986, pp 5-59.
(93) URTEAGA, Luis: "La economía ecológica de Martinez
Alier", Documents d'Anàlisi Geogràfica, Universidad Autonoma
de Barcelona, Bellaterra, Vol. VII, 1985, pp 193-205.
URTEAGA, Luis: "Los recursos naturales y la nueva geografía política del mar", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 75, May 1988, pp. 3-45.
(94) URTEAGA, Luis: "Miseria, miasmas y microbios", op. cit. in Note 70.
(95) URTEAGA, Luis: "Higienismo y ambientalismo en la medicina decimonónica",
Dinamys, Granada, Vol. 5-6~ 1985-6, pp. 417-425.
URTEAGA, Luis: "El pensamiento higienista y la ciudad: la obra de Pedro Felipe Monlau (1808- 1871)", in BONET CORREA, A.: Urbanismo e Histona Urbana~ Madrid, Universidad Complutense, vol. l,1985, pp. 397-412.
URTEAGA, Luis: "Barcelona y la higiene urbana en la obra e Monlau", en El naixement de l´infraestructura sanitària a la ciutat de Barceíona, Ajuntament de Barcelona, Institut d'Ecologia Urbana (Serie Salut Publica No. 6),1987, pp. 29-37 (en catalan) y 89-99 (en castellano). See also: NADAL, Francesc: "Epidemias, alcantarillado y especulación. Una aproximación histórica al saneamiento de los municipios del Pla de Barcelona (1884-1900), en El naixement de l'infraestructura sanitàna a la ciutat de Barcelona, Ajuntament de Barcelona, Institut d'Ecologia Urbana (Serie Salut Pública No. 6), 1987, pp. 39-55 (en catalán) y 89-99 (en castellano) .
(96) QUESADA, Santiago: "Las historias de ciudades: geografía,
utopía y conocimiento historico en la Edad Moderna", Geo Crítica,
University of Barcelona, No. 81~ May 1 989, 75 pp.
QUESADA, Santiago: La idea de ciudad en la cultura hispana de la edad modema. Tipología y estructura de las historias de ciudades, siglos XVI-XVII, Tesis Doctoral, Universidad de Barcelona, 1990.
(97) URTEAGA, Luis: "Teoría demográfica e historiografía: el tratado de población de Agustín de Blas y la difusión de Malthus en España", Estudios Geográficos, Madrid, No. 181~1985, pp. 447-472.
(98) Luis URTEAGA is currently working on these issues, and his work will shortly be Dublished
(99) LUIS, Alberto and URTEAGA, Luis: "Estudio del medio y "Heimatkunde" en la geografía escolar", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 38, March 1 982, pp 5-45.
(100) URTEAGA, Luis and CAPEL, Horacio: "La Geografía y la didáctica
del medio urbano", paper at the Seminar on Environmental Education in the
Urban Setting, Institute of Education, Barcelona; published in Revista
de Geografía, XVI-XVII, 1983, pp. 113-126. Reprinted in Cuademos
de Pedagogía, Barcelona, No. 153 1987, pp. 8-15.
CAPEL, Horacio, LUIS, Alberto and URTEAGA, Luis: "La Geografía ante la reforma educativa", Geo Crítica, Barcelona, No. 53, September 1984, 77 pp. Reprinted in La Geografía y la Historia dentro de las ciencias sociales; hacia un curriculum integrador Madrid, 1987, pp. 128-171.
CAPEL, Horacio and URTEAGA, Luis: "La geografía en un curriculum de ciencias sociales", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 61, 1985, 33 pp. Reprinted in CARRETERO, M., POZO, J.L., and ASENSIO, M. (Eds.): La enseñanza de las ciencias sociales, Madrid, Visor, 1989, pp 75-96.
The review Geo Crítica has also published other works on these topics from various centres. Alberto Luis, for his part, has continued his important work at the University of Santander in the field of geographical teaching.
(101 ) LUIS, Alberto and URTEAGA, Luis: op. cit. in Note 99
CAPEL, Horacio: "La enseñanza de la Geografia en España a principios del siglo XX", in Homenaje a la profesora Carmen Rey, Instituto Expres, Lorca, 1976.
(102) LUIS GOMEZ, Alberto: La geografía en el bachillerato español (1836-1970), University of Barcelona Publications, Collection Geo Crítica, Textos de Apoyo No. 6,1985, 350 pp.
(103) CARDENAS, Maria Isabel: La Geografía y la formación
de maestros en España; su evolución en la Escuela Normal
de Murcia (1914-1976), Murcia, University of Murcia,1987, 358 pp.
MELCON, Julia: "La geografía en el sistema de instrucción primaria de España, Cuba y Filipinas", Madrid, en PESET, J.L. (Ed.): Ciencia, vida y espacio en Iberoamérica, op. cit. en nota 131, vol. III, pp. 267-292.
MELCON, Julia: "Los estudios de ciencias en las Escuelas Normales de Maestros en España, 1843- 1914", III Symposium d'Ensenyament ¡ Histò,ria de les Ciències i Tècniques, Barcelona, March 1988.
MELCON, Julia: La enseñanza elemental y la formación del profesorado en los orígenes de la España contemporánea: renovación pedagógica y enseñanza de la geografía, doctoral thesis, University of Barcelona, June 1988, 3 vols.
MELCON, Julia: "La geografía en la escuela primaria y el sistema educativo liberal", Primeras Jomadas de Didáctica de la Geografía (3-5 diciembre 1988), Madrid, Asociación de Geógrafos Españoles (in press). MELCON, Julia: La enseñanza de la geografía y el profesorado de las Escuelas Normales (18821915), Barcelona, Ediciones de la Universidad de Barcelona (Colección GeoCrítica, Textos de Apoyo, No. 9),1989, 120 pp.
(104) NADAL, Francesc y MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: "La aportación
del libre pensamiento a la renovación de la ciencia española:
"La Humanidad" (1871-1872)", en Actas del III Congreso de la Socledad Española
de Historia de las Ciencias (San Sebastian 1 -6 octubre 1984) San Sebastian,1989,
vol. lll, pp. 341 -354.
VICENTE MOSQUETE, M. Teresa: "Les rapports entre Elisée Reclus et l'Espagne", Brussel, Revue de la Societé Royale Eelge de Géographie, Y,110, 1986, pp 119- 138.
VICENTE MOSQUETE, M. Teresa: "El papel de la geografía en el proyecto revolucionario de educación integral del anarquismo español de fin del XIX y principios del XX", Lima, I. Congreso Intemacional de las Américas,1988.
VICENTE MOSQUETE, M. Teresa: "La aportación de la geografía al pensamiento anarquista: Eliseo Reclus", Amsterdam, Internacional Congress on the Cultural Traditions of Spanish Anarchism, 1988.
We cite here only those studies that this author produced during the period when she was a post- doctoral scholar in Barcelona. In Salamanca, both before and since, she has devoted other valuable studies to Reclus and his impact on Spanish geography.
(105) CAPEL~ Horacio: "La geografía en los exámenes públicos", op. cit. in Note 66.
(106) CAPEL, H., ARAYA, M., BRUNET, M., MELCON, J., NADAL, F, URTEAGA, L.: Ciencia para la burguesía. Reovación pedagógica y enseñanza de la geografía en la revolución liberal española 1814-1857, University of Barcelona Publications (Collection Geo Crítica, Textos de Apoyo, No. 3),1983, 354 pp.
(107) CAPEL, H., CASTILLO, M.A., MAYANS, B., MELENDO, M.C., PERICAS,
C., RIBA, P., and SANS, M.: Geografíá para todos. La Geografíá
en la enseñanza española durante la segunda mitad del siglo
XIX, Barcelona, Los Libros de la Frontera, 1985, 236 pp.
CASTILLO ALARCO, Maria Angela La Geografía en las Escuelas Especiales durante las segunda mitad del siglo XIX, M.Sc. Dissertation, Department of Geography, University of Barcelona, February 1986, 2 vols.
(108) CAPEL, H., SOLE, J., and URTEAGA, L.: El libro de geografía en España 1800-1939, Barcelona, Collection Geo Crítica, Textos de Apoyo, CSIC, 1988, 214 pp.
(109) GARCIA PUCHOL, Joaquín: "América en los manuales
españoles de Historia del siglo XIX", en PESET, J.L. (Ed.): Ciencia,
vida y espacio en Iberoaménca, op. cit en nota 131, vol. III, pp.
GARCIA PUCHOL, Joaquín: "La imagen de la ciudad en la historiografía decimo nónica. El valor de la apariencia y las actitudes ante el crecimiento urbano", Comunicación al V Coloquio Ibérico de Geografía, León, noviembre 1989 (in press). GARCIA PUCHOL, Joaquin: "El progreso cientifico en los manuales escolares del siglo XIX", Comunicación a/ VCongreso de la Sociedad Española de His toria de las Ciencias y la Teconología, Murcia l8-21 dediciembre de l989 (in press). This author is finishing his doctoral thesis on the teaching of history in the 19th century.
(110)Related to his doctoral thesis (Note 78), Jordi CARTA&NTILDE;A has produced an inventory of agronomy textbooks used in Spanish education in the 19th century.
(111) URTEAGA, L., SOLE, J and CAPEL, H.: "Análisis de la produccion bibliográfica de textos de geografía en la enseñanza española, 1800-1939", Madrid,en PESET, J.L. (Ed.): Ciencia, vida yespacio en Iberoamérica, op. cit. en nota 131, vol. lll, pp. 293-327. Reprinted as introduction to op. cit. in Note 108.
(112) Our attention has been drawn to the need for this by authors such
LOPEZ PINERO, Jose Maria: "Los modelos de investigación histórica médica y las nuevas técnicas", en LAFUENTE, A. and SALDANA~ J.J.: Nuevas tendencias en historia de las ciencias, Madrid, CSIC,1987, pp 125-150.
KRAGH, Helge: An Introduction to the Historiography of Science, Cambridge University Press,1987; translated into Spanish as Introducción a la historia de la ciencia, Barcelona, Crítica,1989, Chaps.16 and 17.
(113) Joaquin Garcia Puchol is working in this direction inrelation
to his doctoral thesis, quoted in Note 109. See also:
GARCIA PUCHOL, Joaquin: "Les ages de l'histoire dans les manuels espagnoles du XlXe siècle. Analyse quantitative", in Abstracts IVe Congres Histoly and Computing, Bordeaux~ Septiembre 1989, 32 pp.
GARCIA PUCHOL, Joaquin: "Palabras, textos sociopolíticos y ordenadores",Estudios Geográficos, Madrid, no 192, julio-septiembre 1988, pp. 450-53.
(114) CAPEL, Horacio: "El público y circulación de obras de geografía en la España del siglo XVIII", in ELENA, Alberto and FERNANDEZ, A.: El público de la ciencia, Madrid, CSIC, (in press.)
(115) CAPEL, Horacio: "Los diccionarios geográficos de la llustración
española", Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 31,
January 1981, 51 pp. (116) CAPEL, Horacio: "Geografía y arte apodémica
en el siglo de los viajes", University of Barcelona, Geo Crítica,
No. 56, March 1985, 60 pp.
In this same direction, Consuelo FREIXA is completing her doctoral thesis on the English travels in Spain in the 18th century.
(117) All of the city guides published in Spain in the 19th century are the subject of Maria del Mar Serrano's doctoral thesis, which will soon be completed. See also: SERRANO, Maria del Mar: "Cárceles y murallas: la visión del viajero" en Los espacios acotados. Geografía y dominación social, Barcelona, PPU, (in press).
(118) MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: "La pasión por la montaña.
Literatura pedagógica y ciencia en el excursionismo del siglo XIX",
Barcelona, Geo Crítica, University of Barcelona, No. 66, November
1986, pp 7-45.
MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: "L'alpinisme suïs ¡ I'excursionisme català vuitcentiste. El valor simbòlic, científic i educatiu de la muntanya", Lausanne, Erathostè ne, 1986, pp 15-37.
MARTI HENNEBERG, Jordi: L'excursionisme científic a Catalunya (1876-1900) i la seva contribució a la Geografia i les Ciencies Naturals, doctoral thesis, University of Barcelona, May 1986, 513 pp. (in press, Barcelona, Anthropos Ediciones). On the contribution of hiking and mountaineering to glaciology, see also the works of this authlor in Note 90.
(119) SUNYER~ Pere: "Ciencia y literatura. Los Viajes Extraordinarios de Jules Verne"~ Geo Críbca University of Barcelona, No.76, July 1988, 56 pp.
(120) For example, in the XVII International Congress on the History of Science at Berkeley in 1985 there was a section on "Genetics and Ideology" and a symposium on "Ideologies and scientific development"; and at the XVIIIth Congress at Hamburg and Munich in 1989, attention was also given to this subject.
(121) NADAL, Francesc: Politica territorial y anexión de municipios
urbanos en España, siglos XIX- XX, Resumen de la Tesis Doctoral,
Universidad de Barcelona, 1985, 36 pp. NADAL, Francesc: Burgueses, burócratas
y territorio. La política territorial en la España del siglo
XIX, Madrid, I.E.A.L., 1987, 350 pp.
NADAL, Francesc: "El pensamiento federal y la cuestion territorial", in Actas, Ponencias y Comunicaciones, III Coloquio Ibérico de Geografía, Barcelona, 27 Sept. - 2 Oct. 1983, University of Barcelona, 1984, pp 83-89.
NADAL, Francesc: "Ideologia i ciencia de les divisions del territori. El debat sobre la divisió territorial d'Espanya al segle XIX", in CAPEL, H. (Coordinator): Naturalesa i cultura en el pensament espanyol, Barcelona, 1987, pp 127-143.
NADAL, Francesc: "Geògrafs: regionalisme i divisió del territori (1874-1897)", Barcelona, Documents d'Anàlisi Geogràfica, Universidad Autonoma de Barcelona, No. 10, pp 57-87. See also, by the same author: NADAL, Francesc: "Los debates de la Sociedad Geográfica de Madrid sobre la organización territorial de España (1879-1881)", Boletín de la Real Sociedad Geográfica de Madrid, Madrid, 1988.
NADAL, Francesc: "Delimitar territorios, territorializar a los hombres", en Los espacios acotados: Geografía y dominaaón social, Barcelona, PPU (in press). NADAL, Francesc: "Burgueses contra el municipalismo. La configuración de la gran Barcelona y las anexiones de los municipios (1874-1904)", Geo Críbca~ University of Barcelona~ Nos. 59-60, 1985~ 99 pp.
NADAL, Francesc: "Barcelona i les annexions de municipis (1874-1904). Un proces tancat?",Nous Horitzonts, Barcelona, 99, 1985, pp. 24-27.
NADAL, Francesc: "Els municipis del Plá de Barcelona: una perspectiva geogràfi ca. Entre l'agregació i la creació de la Gran Barcelona 1874-1897)", L'Avenç, Bar celona, no 95, 1986 (Plecs d'Història Local, no 4, 6 pp.).
(122) MURO MORALES, Ignacio: "Territorio y sociedad en el pensamiento
militar español contemporáneo", Madrid, en PESET, J.L. (Ed.):
Ciencia, vida y espacio en Iberoaménca, op. cit. en nota 131, vol.
lll, pp. 143-178.
MURO MORALES, Ignacio: "Ciencia y educacion en la Academia de Ingenieros del Ejército en el ochocientos", in V Congreso de la Sociedad Española de Historia de las Ciencias y la Tecnología, Murcia 18-22 de diciembre de 1989 (in press).
MURO MORALES, Ignacio: "Ciudad, fortificación e ingenieros militares", en Los espacios acotados. Geografía y dominación social, Barcelona, PPU (in press). Ignacio MURO is about to finish his doctoral thesis on "El pensamiento militar español sobre el territorio, siglos XIX-XX".
(123) OSORIO, Lia: Mitos e realidades da Amazonia brasileira no contexto
geopolitico internacional (1540-1912), doctoral thesis, University of Barcelona,
July 1989. 520pp.
OSORlO, Lia: "Misiones y Estado Colonial: confrontación entre formas de control territorial en la Amazonia del Setecientos", Madrid, en PESET, J.L. (Ed.): Ciencia, vida y espacio en Iberoamérica, op. cit. en nota 131, vol. lll, pp. 389-406.
OSORIO, Lia: "Brazilian Amazonia, an example of a geostrategic and chronostrategic combination", Tubinger Geographische Studien, Tu bingen, No.95,1987, pp 189-204.
OSORIO, Lia: "The Intermittent Control of the Amazonian Territory",London, Intemational Joumal for Urban and Regional Planning, 1989, (in press).
(124) LOPEZ DEL AMO, Fernando: Ideología, ferrocarriles y política ferroviaria en el proyecto liberal argentino (1858-1916), doctoral thesis, University of Barcelona, September 1989. LOPEZ DEL AMO, Fernando: "Ferrocarriles, ideología y geografia en el proyecto liberal argentino", Madrid, La ciencia espanola e Iberoaménca, Madrid, en PESET, J.L.: Ciencia, vida y espacio en Iberoamerica, op. cit. en nota 131, vol. lll, pp. 179-98.
(125) FRAILE, Pedro: "El castigo y el poder, Espacio y lenguaje de la
cárcel", University of Barcelona, Geo Crítica, No. 57, May
1985, pp 5-61.
FRAILE, Pedro: "El pensamiento penológico del setecientos español: D. Manuel de Lardizabal", Revista d'Historia Modema, Barcelona, 6~ 1986~ pp 165-180.
FRAILE, Pedro: Un espacio para castigar. La cárcel y la ciencia penitenciaria en España (siglos XVIII-XX), Barcelona, Ediciones El Serbal,1 987,224 pp.
FRAILE, Pedro: "La cárcel en la ciudad", Asclepio, Madrid, C.E.H., CSIC, XXXIX, 1987, pp 5-25.
FRAILE, Pedro: "La geografia del castigo", Estudios Geográficos, Madrid, 1987, No.186, pp 5-30 FRAILE, Pedro: "Ciencia y utopía. Ramón de la Sagra y la isla de Cuba", La ciencia española e Iberoamérica, Madrid, en PESET, J.L.: Ciencia, vida y espacio en Iberoamérica, op. cit. en nota 131, vol. III, pp. 209-239.
FRAILE Pedro: "Lograr obediencias maquinales. Un proyecto espacial", en Los espacios acotados. Geografía y dominación social, Barcelona, PPU (in press).
(126) CAPEL, Horacio: "Ideologia y ciencia en los debates sobre población americana durante el siglo XVI", Geo crítica, University of Barcelona, Nos. 79-80, 1989, 70 pp. A summary of this study has been published under the same tittle as a paper at the Anais do 2 Congresso Latino-Americano de Historia da Ciencia e da Tecnologia,30 de Junho a 4 de julho,1988, Sao Paulo, Nova Stella, 1989, pp. 241 -260.
(127) VAZQUEZ RIAL, Horacio: "Ameghino, Ingenieros, Roca y los origenes
del Hombre americano", en PESET, J.L.: Ciencia, vida yespacio en Iberoamérica,
op. cit. en nota 131, vol. III, pp.199-208.
VAQUEZ RIAL, Horacio: "Una constitución poblacionista en la Argentina de 1852", Asclepio, Revista de Historia de la Medicina y de la Técnica, Madrid, CSIC, Vol. XL, fascículo 2, 1988, pp. 266-285.
(128) Horacio VAZQUEZ RIAL is about to finish his doctoral thesis on ideas concerning population in Rio de la Plata in the 19th Century.
(129) See Note 98.
(130) In this connection, see for example:
CAPEL, Horacio: "La evolución del pensamiento y los métodos de la geografía", in Actas, Ponencías y Comunicaciones, III Coloquio Ibérico de Geografía, Barcelona, 27 Sept. - 2 Oct.1983, University of Barcelona,1984, pp 33-36.
(131) The development of our research has been supported since 1984 by the Spanish Interministerial Commision of Science and Technology (CICYT) through the assistance given to two projects: "Territory, society and geographical thought in Spain and Iberoamerica, 18th-20th Centuries" (carried out from 1984 to 1988), and Nature and Culture in the Spanish and Iberoamerican geographical tradition, (from 1988 onwards). Thanks to this we have been able to follow new lines of study and establish fruitful relations with other researchers, especially with the group of historians of science at the Centre of Historic Studies of the Spanish Council of Scientific Research (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, CSIC). We have worked with them in several scientific meetings and in staging an international Congress on the subject "Spanish science and Iberoamerica" (Madrid, December 1987), the papers of which were collected in the following publication: PESET, J. L. (Ed.): Ciencia, vida y espacio en Iberoamérica. Trabajos