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VERSION:2.0
PRODID:-//wp-events-plugin.com//7.4.0.1//EN
BEGIN:VEVENT
UID:570@ub.edu
DTSTART:20190320T130000Z
DTEND:20190320T150000Z
DTSTAMP:20250915T195259Z
URL:https://www.ub.edu/grc_logos/activities/sobel-sequences-as-a-test-case
 -for-static-vs-dynamic-semantics/
SUMMARY:Sobel Sequences as a Test Case for Static vs. Dynamic Semantics
DESCRIPTION:Static semantics treats sentences (at contexts) as expressing t
 ruth  conditions/propositions/information and constructs a theory of  conv
 ersational update as a matter of pragmatics. Dynamic semantics  treats sen
 tences (at contexts) as expressing functions from contexts to  contexts (s
 o sentences affect contexts and have their truth conditions  affected by c
 ontexts). Justifying one framework over the other has been a  difficult ma
 tter but modals\, counterfactuals in particular\, exhibit  conversational 
 dynamics that has promised to support one over the other.  The classic cas
 es for consideration are Sobel Sequences (SSs) and  Reverse Sobel Sequence
 s (RSSs). The most promising representative of the  dynamic approach is vo
 n Fintel&rsquo\;s dynamic semantics for subjunctive  conditionals. We argu
 e that overall considerations\, despite  initial appearances\, favour the 
 static approach. More specifically\, we  will argue as follows: &nbsp\;(a)
  Von Fintel&#39\;s semantics  validate a principle that is supposed to exp
 lain the infelicity of  Reverse Sobel Sequences. But there are counterexam
 ples to the alleged  entailment. (b) Some RSSs are comprised of sentences 
 that are  jointly true regardless of their order of utterance. But von Fin
 tel&#39\;s  theory entails that the second sentence of any RSS is inconsis
 tent with  the first. (c) Von Fintel&#39\;s theory utilizes only a limited
  range  of tools to explain the predicted infelicity of Reverse Sobel Sequ
 ences.  To substantially improve the empirical coverage of theories like h
 is\,  one would need pragmatic elements of the sort posited by static sema
 ntic  approaches. (d) The dynamic semantics explanation of negative polari
 ty licensing in subjunctive conditional antecedents over-generates. &nbsp\
 ;We  conclude that one of the more promising cases for a dynamic approach 
 to  modals fails and that pragmatic approaches to the promising data favou
 r  static approaches.
CATEGORIES:Seminar
LOCATION:Seminari de Filosofia UB
X-APPLE-STRUCTURED-LOCATION;VALUE=URI;X-ADDRESS=C. Montalegre\, 6-8\, Barce
 lona\, 08001\, Spain;X-APPLE-RADIUS=100;X-TITLE=Seminari de Filosofia UB:g
 eo:0,0
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